The Sky-Earth System: A Manifesto for Learning to See and Think as a Generic Ancient

The Sky-Earth System: A Manifesto for Learning to See and Think as a Generic Ancient

By Adam Louis-Klein and Justin Shaffner

ABSTRACT: The Sky is falling and there are too few who recognize the importance of holding it up. We contend that many of the pressing problems of our times, including climate catastrophe and global inequality, are direct consequences of the cosmology of the Moderns. We argue that anthropology as a discipline should think with ordinary people everywhere and with the Universe at once. We propose the Sky-Earth System as a cosmology in which to think and live as Ancients, to suspend the impersonal World of the Moderns. The Sky-Earth System is a metaframe that replaces the Nature/Culture schema of the Moderns and puts the Human back at the Center of the Universe. It allows us to think generically, meaning to think with everyone anywhere and anywhen. We think-with revival movements of the Ancients that are taking place everywhere across the Sky-Earth System, practices of symmetric anthropology in the Upper Rio Negro of the Amazon, in the city of Manaus and in Brazil, the Village-as-University in Melanesia and the Boazi revival, Afro-Centric, Polytheist, Psychedelic, and other movements occuring in North America and elsewhere at the ends of the World.

KEYWORDS: Sky-Earth Systems Science, the Human, Generic Ancient, symmetric anthropology, stranger king, the Moderns, the World.

The Sky is falling and there are too few who recognize the importance of holding it up (Kopenawa & Albert 2013). We[1] contend that many of the pressing problems of our times, including climate catastrophe and global inequality, are direct consequences of the cosmology of the Moderns. It’s impossible today to separate the political and the cosmological. At stake is the very contingency of the World and its relationship to the Universe and to the ordinary person. We claim that anthropology can be a science that thinks with the ordinary person everywhere and with the Universe at once. We maintain that such an anthropology might propose concrete solutions to the aporias of the World. The World[2], under the Moderns, goes by many names: Capitalism (Marx 1867) (racial  and otherwise (Robinson 2000, Lowe 2015)); the World-System (Wallerstein 1974, Abu-Lughod 1989); Globalization; Empire (Hardt & Negri 2000); the Plantationocene (Haraway & Tsing 2019); Capitalist Sorcery (Pignarre & Stengers 2011); and the Cannibal Giant (the “two-headed state-market monster” in Danowski & Viveiros de Castro 2014). When the Sky collapses, the person cannot be seen in the Universe and the World takes their place. But it doesn’t have to be that way, nor should it. There are other ways of living together between the Sky and the Earth.

Anthropology is a science that has always had to think from the margins of the World. In its study of the World it cannot be content to reduce the persons who live in the World to it (cf. Laruelle 2012). This is part of the significance of animism, not only as an object but as a method of anthropology (Viveiros 2009, Descola 2005, Skafish 2016). There is a latent utopianism that results from putting the World each time into variation (Maniglier 2016), a prophetism to be made explicit during the end times of cosmological crisis (Kopenawa & Albert 2013; Danowski & Viveiros de Castro 2014). There is a war of the worlds (Latour 2002) taking place everywhere at the margins of the World, and in the Moderns’ academies.

But neither the confidence of the Modern in the necessity of their World nor the celebration of endless differences and variations suffices to envision a positive alternative. It is necessary to actually build new spaces of thought and anthropology – the generic science of the Human and method of thinking-with the person – is central to this endeavor. The ethnographic record is not just a place to bury the Ancient – treating the People as an object for testing the Modern’s theories, but a repository – a living testimony – of viable ways of thinking,experimenting, and being Human in the contemporary. We seek to liberate these living testimonies from the colonial archive, in an effort to permanently decolonize anthropology as such from the World (cf. Viveiros de Castro 2009), each time from the beginning.[3] Anthropology as a discipline should be engaged in thinking alongside ordinary people everywhere (Grimshaw & Hart 1996). It should not put itself above them and claim to be an exclusive account of who the Human is or its history.

 Such an anthropology would not be engaged merely in the transposition of cultural practices in alien contexts, but in the composition of generics, analogical models that become integrative to the thought and practice of the anthropologist[4] themselves [in their own times].[5] Graeber and Wengrow’s recent book (2021) shows at what level the political forms studied by anthropology might be engaged in this way. Graeber and Wengrow propose not to take a specific society as a romanticized ideal but to open up the ethnographic record to the multiplicity of social forms, making them available for contemporary prototyping and composition in the person (cf. Corsin Jimenez 2014, 2017).

The Moderns shouldn't be equated with the historical epoch called Modernity. Not only is this period simply when the Moderns become peculiarly dominant, but to fall into such a conflation would already be the Modern way of thinking. For the Moderns rely on a claim to historical supersession and replacement, supposedly rendering everything that came before them irrelevant. This linear orientation of the Moderns perhaps first appears with the Christian theory of the fulfillment of the Old Testament by the New Testament, or even earlier, with the Deuteronomist reformation of the Hebrew Bible, so as to suppress the God who shows himself in Human form (Barker 1992), and becomes their racial evolutionism. It is a distinctive trait of the Moderns everywhere.[6]

Talk of the Moderns is not new; it follows them wherever they go. Like the World, they are known by many names, including wendigo, demons, sorcerers, and most recently, the Waitman, or the “Whites” (os brancos) (cf. Basso 1979, Bashkow 2006, Kopenawa & Albert 2013). We take seriously observations of the Moderns from all those who encounter them, including those that the Moderns have marginalized: the African, the Indigenous, the Proletariat, the Worker (Lazarus 2015), the Migrant, the Jew, the Terrans (Danowski & Viveiros de Castro 2014), ordinary people everywhere. 

Despite major failures at the level of health, food, diplomacy, economy (just distribution and optimal scale), biodiversity, and the integration of knowledge, all of which today have reached a tipping point, the Moderns continue to hype themselves up. They do not know how to live well between the Sky and the Earth. The Moderns refuse conviviality and reciprocity, reducing the person either to a competitive, atomized individual or dissolving them into an impersonal crowd. They try and police talk under the assumption that the sole goal should be the standardization of conventions so as to reproduce the World. A specific criticism of the Moderns is necessary to be able to identify them from an external position that does not presuppose their authority: to name them so as to call and cast them out, to suspend their authority.

Just as the Moderns cannot be equated with a historical supersession, nor are the Ancients confined to the irrelevant past, a “cultural ancient” that is merely a historical curiosity. We take the Ancients to be each one of us, the ordinary person and their invention, who cannot be superseded. We start from the Beginning, the person themselves, as a universality that anthropology might take as invariant in the midst of the comparison of differences. We call this the generic Ancient, affirming at the very same time the importance of anthropology’s ongoing dialogue with those who have lived or still live at the margins of the World of the Moderns.

Throughout the various phases and “schools” of anthropology, we identify a throughline that leads to the development of a symmetric anthropology (cf. Manifesto Abaeté 2006; dos Santos & Dias 2009, NEAI 2018)[7], an attempt to radicalize anthropology’s engagement with the other to the point of effecting recursive transformations on the thought of anthropology itself, and that we wish to formalize so as to make integral to the practice of anthropology, and to take to its ultimate conclusion. We see here the promise of an anthropology that lets itself be transformed – in concept, affect, and practice – by thinking-with, a commitment that gives birth to concepts like the “fractal person” (Wagner 1991), the “dividual” (Strathern 1988), and “perspectivism” (Viveiros de Castro 1998). Here we see the beginning of a composition of models that place the self and the other within a unified space that is not reducible to the World, but unfolded from a flow of invention that is immanent to the People as they think together (cf. Wagner 1981, 1986, 2018a, 2018b).

From these concepts we get a first indication of what it might mean to think from a common=x (Schmid 2021), a generic point of view, that serves as the basis for the positive alternative we would like to elaborate. We see similar kinds of endeavors undertaken in other disciplines: such as Philosophy, where Laruelle (1996, 2018) aims to suspend Philosophy’s dogmatic authority over the ordinary Human and their conceptual inventions; or Biblical Criticism, where Margaret Barker (1992) reopens Abrahamic spiritual history as a matrix of variations of thinking-with the God; or Critical Race Studies, where Denise Ferreira da Silva (2014) initiates a poethical practice to emancipate Blackness from the "colonial (juridic, economic, symbolic) architectures" that produced it and instead take it as an unknown ‘x’ for global re-compositions at the ends of the World. We see in all of these a tendency toward an ordinary, generic science that thinks with the ordinary person everywhere, unmediated by the World. We seek to formalize this gesture of placing the Human at the Center of thinking-with.

 Sky-Earth Systems Science (SESS) is a formal way of thinking with and speaking in the images of ethnographic material themselves. A certain distance is maintained but also suspended between the subject and object of analysis, such that what the anthropologist says about their material emerges from the People themselves. The anthropologist speaks a pidgin, a language composed as much out of the concepts and terms of their interlocutors as their own. Knowledge about a fieldsite comes from experimentation with the possibilities of such combinations of thoughts, in terms of problems also framed in the language.[8] It is not a question of a faithful emic description, but the modeling of thoughts within a generic space, over which neither interlocutor has total authority, the specification of a common=x, as it emerges in collective intimacy (Schmid 2021).

Many anthropologists have now isolated how Nature functions as a background frame to control the thoughts of others, and their effects, so that they conform to the cosmology of the Moderns (Wagner 1981, Strathern 1980, 1988, Viverios de Castro 2004, Latour 1991, 2012, 2018, Descola 2005, da Silva 2007, 2022). In short, Nature relegates the ancients to a merely metaphorical understanding, incapable of true and literal reference, without the autonomy that is proper to scientific thinking (cf. Althusser 1965). It reduces their thinking to cultural representations, merely local practices, as set against the exclusive knowledge of Nature that only the Moderns possess. By continually taking Nature as given (cf. Sellars 1991, Wagner 1981), as much in the natural as in the social sciences, the Moderns continue to reposition themselves as an authority over others.

We propose the Sky-Earth System as an alternative to Nature as the meta-frame of cosmological composition and the axiomatic given of the [social] sciences. SESS is not simply another anthropological theory meant to supersede the previous. It has always been there [since the beginning], and well-documented in the ethnographic record, but has simply fallen out of favor amongst the Moderns and their anthropology.

Motivated by a desire to recognize and uphold the autonomy and integrity of the ancient, ordinary sciences everywhere, our aim here is simply to name, describe and demonstrate SESS, as well as explain its consequences for anthropology and thinking-with, for creating a framework for symmetrical, generic exchange between persons, taking both the form and content of talk seriously. For example, instead of theorizing about xapiri ontology or beliefs about them, Kopenawa thinks from and with the xapiri as persons, and directly asks the anthropologist to do the same, to listen to the voice of the xapiri he is transmitting (Kopenawa & Albert 2013). Until anthropology takes responsibility for the person in how it thinks-with others [inventions], it will forever remain an ideology of the World rather than an autonomous science – unable to enter into rapport with – let alone a reciprocity and generic exchange [in-disciplinarity] with – the Ancients and their sciences, such as those practiced across the different village campuses and haus tambaran of the University of Melanesia (cf. Narokobi 1980, 1983; Dobrin 2020), or the science of image-talk [bahsese] taking place across the different bahsawii [transformation houses] on the Upper Rio Negro (Dutra & Dutra 2018).

The Sky-Earth System is a meta-frame for thinking as a generic Ancient. The Sky-Earth System can be compared to Isabella Stengers’ (1997) and Bruno Latour’s (2017) usage of James Lovelock’s (1979) concept of Gaia, which would overcome the separation of politics and ecology (which sustains inaction on the climate crisis) and replace Nature as the overarching frame in which worlds are situated. There are several reasons, however, why we choose to think from within the Sky-Earth System, rather than Gaia, while also responding to the way the climate crisis compels us to envision both the Planet and the Universe differently.

Gaia reproduces many of the defining moves of secularism, which we feel it is necessary to suspend in order to integrate the full range of the ordinary person within anthropology. Reducing or dismissing the God has been one of the axiomatic premises of Modern social sciences (cf. Asad 2003). Gaia still preserves the metonymic relationship between terms such as Earth, Matter, Immanence, and Nature in the secular gesture (Louis-Klein 2021). It defines immanence not as a referential immanence [self-reference] in talk or performative immanence [operational closure] in action (Varela & Maturana 1979), but a bringing of “Heaven down to Earth,” simply an a priori decision against the God. Here, Gaia mimics Galileo, Spinoza, Newton and other Moderns’ insistence that the duality of Sky and Earth can be done away with [if it were possible to provide a single set of mathematical equations for both domains].

In contrast, for the Ancients, the Sky is not a problematically separated transcendence, nor do the Ancients only think from the Earth or reproduce the secular gesture.[9] In this sense, Gaia theory tends to assimilate the Ancient to specifically Modern problems, even when the goal should be a critique of the Moderns and a suspension of their cosmology, to start over from the Beginning. It does not fully distinguish the position of Earth from that of Nature.[10]

The Sky-Earth System is an analogical expansion of ethnographic material that is motivated independently from the Modern complex of thought. We feel that it is necessary to move beyond an [exclusive] “us/them” type contrast that continues to position, or interpellate (Althusser 1971), the speaker within the frame of the Moderns, and instead start from the crossing-place at the center of self and other, the generic Ancient in all of us (Dos Santos & Mendes 2009, Wagner 2018b, Louis-Klein 2022a). We feel that it is necessary to stop merely speaking about the Ancients, but to think as Ancients, and it is thinking with Ancients that leads us to think as them.

The Sky-Earth System reintegrates the ordinary person into the Universe, the Human at the Center of the Universe, ending the Copernican era as seen from within the history of the Moderns. The Moderns aim to displace the person and prioritize impersonal orders of the World (cf. Postone 1996, Strathern 1988), asserting a Copernican supersessionism that sees the Universe as a proliferation of peripheries, the Ancients confined to a mistaken and merely local perception of Nature [culture; geocentrism]. We hold that it is necessary to maintain the polycentricity of the Center of the Universe, and at the same time that the Human is really there at the Center and this is what matters.

Whether one takes the multiplicity of centers to mean that there isn’t one, or to mean that the Center is really everywhere and polycentric, is the difference that makes all the difference. By the Center we do not mean a local region spread out across space, but the unextended ‘point,’ the origin of the coordinate frame where anyone is, and from which a generic space-time is projected. In placing the Human at the Center, we do not propose an “anthropocentrism,” or deny the personhood of the animal, but generalize the Human as an invariant and minimal position, building both on Viveiros de Castro’s concept of Perspectivism (1998) and Wagner’s integrative Human Hologram (2001), in each case having arisen from a profound engagement with Amazonian and Melanesian thinking, respectively, from which we continue to draw inspiration.

We are not trying to “de-center” anything, but suspend the World which occludes the Human at the Center of the Universe. It is the Moderns who have de-centered the Person. Their talk throws shade [sorcery] on the person, eclipsing them, never addressing the whole person (cf. Strathern 2004). It always reduces them, interpellates them as if they were less than one, speaks to and about the ordinary person everywhere as already [buried] underneath them. We simply aim to suspend the World so as to open up the Sky and uncover the Human that has always been there, since the Beginning.

In composing a concrete space-time to think with everyone at once, it’s not a question of rejecting  a meta-frame  in favor of the dispersion of local worlds or territories (cf. Viveiros de Castro 2009), simply favoring multiplicity over unity (cf. Badiou 1988), or difference over identity (cf. Deleuze1968). Nor is it a question of a return to a supposedly Modern and universal “rationalism” as it triumphs in World-History as the Enlightenment (cf. Negarestani 2018, Badiou 1988, 2006, Meillasoux 2006, Hornborg 2019). We practice the generic and universal thinking that starts directly from the Ancients, that has always been here, as is well-attested in the ethnographic record.

The Modern may deny it but the record is there as a testimony; the World simply places a control on what one can do with the material, or sustains a resistance against the transformations it effects in the person [the reader; the ethnographer].  We believe that this science can be shown and practiced even within the heart of the World and the World academy, transforming the materials of the World so that they are conformal with the Person – returning to the Universe – and our axioms and terminology are chosen simply so as to make this possible.[11] The reader will find a glossary of some of these terms at the end of this text.

From the minimal premise of the Center, we are able to give parameters that develop positive content to our model of the Universe and the ordinary person and to a generic composition of worlds. In specifying a vertical and horizontal axis, which open the Sky and the Earth to perception, we give a framework in which different conceptual imagery [description] can be organized, mimicking empirical perception just enough to act as the literal space-time that the Human inhabits. The Sky-Earth System is an integrative thinking environment – a surrounding container [of worlds] – a virtual reality and surround-sound space (cf. Gómez-Emilsson 2022) that lets us see what the Ancients are seeing. It replaces Nature as the referential ground of talk and analysis, the assumption that in the last instance whatever we talk about [or in[12]] must be Nature or the World.[13]

Since the Nature/Culture duality has become an object of criticism by anthropologists, much attention has been paid to whether the problem consists in duality all together, or simply the unbridgeable separation (“the Great Divide”) between the terms, or in the specific semantic positions assigned to them (with their racial and gendered undertones), or their hierarchical rather than balanced relationship. Whereas various directions have been taken, they tend to either do away with an organizing schema all together, in favor of multiplicitous hybridities (in which case it may still be the case that what is being hybridized is Nature and Culture) [new materialism], or there are attempts to invert the schema in the hope of producing new effects, such as Viveiros de Castro’s (1998) transformation of multiculturalism and mononaturalism of the Moderns into a multinaturalism and monoculturalism drawn from Amazonian ethnographic materials [one could say that Viveiros de Castro inverts the frame in order to produce an anarchic effect which subtracts from any overarching frame], or to provide a distinct duality, as in Descola’s (2005) move to consider continuities or discontinuities in “interiority” and “physicality” in the relation between humans and non-humans, or finally in attempts to preserve the hierarchical organization of the terms but emphasize their continuity and embeddedness, as in Eduardo Kohn’s (2013) biosemiotics of mind. Without positive parameters to keep the person conformal to the Universe [between the Sky and the Earth] we feel that such innovations are liable to recapture by the World, to become indexicals of the World’s authorized positions and points of reference [institutional, state, etc.], rather than of simply the Ancient at the Center of the Universe.

All of these proposed solutions can be characterized by either a loss of organizing frame, the preservation of the frame in a corresponding or inverted form, or the proposal of a new one. We have already shown the problems we have with Gaia as a new frame which would supplement the assertion of a multiplicitous hybridity between natures and cultures. We also feel that it is important to preserve the desire for symmetry between terms that is part of the methodological orientation of symmetric anthropology, even while taking into account the hierarchical encompassment of systems (cf. Dumont 1966, Viveiros de Castro 2015, Sahlins 2017, Kohn 2013), which we, however, take to be ultimately reversible, in a reciprocity of perspectives in active thinking-with.

We feel that we need a new organizing frame and duality that both undoes the “Great Divide” of the Moderns, as well as puts the frame of comparison on a completely distinct basis, one drawn directly from the ethnographic materials, as in Viveiros de Castro’s case, but without any simple inversion or correspondence between the terms. We need something as concrete and as literal as Nature, but which can act as a distinct ground of reference (see Wagner 1977) [rather than the metaphorical Earth of ecology, which still draws on Nature]. While we feel that Descola’s “interiority” and “physicality” are wide enough to capture the scope of cosmologies anthropology should be engaged with, we think they are not concrete enough to act as a new, scientific cosmology, remaining abstract, taxonomic brackets at an epistemological distance from the material. Descola’s modes of identity and modes of relation do not seem able to generate further structural complexity, but when combined ethnographically only result in various “weightings” of dominance between the terms, whereas we seek something that can be structurally generative of new thoughts [invention], in a more direct application of Lévi-Strauss’s methodology in the Mythologiques [and Wagner’s in Symbols that Stand for Themselves], while also remaining true to the Universe and to the Person.

We propose the Sky and the Earth as an organizing duality, generalizing the wide-spread myth of the Sky and Earth’s separation in the Beginning of time. We take this myth as the frame for a generic Mythologiques inside of which to speak, in referential [talk] and performative [action] immanence to any material. Like Descola, we seek a generalization of the terms “spirituality” and “materiality,” but here realized as a literal and encompassing space-time, what we have called an integrative thinking environment for the composition of worlds (cf. Corsin Jimenez 2013). We do not analogize Culture to the Sky and Nature to the Earth, but change the position of the Human within the Universe altogether, placing them at the Center of the Sky-Earth System, and invent new [conformal] images from there. Sky-Earth Systems Science is an autonomous science distinct from the World altogether.

Methodologically, Sky-Earth Systems Science integrates any material into the Sky-Earth System on the basis of minimal and independent axioms.

Let these two core axioms be:

 1) We are at the Center of the Universe.

2) In the beginning, the Sky and the Earth separated.

The first statement makes the ordinary person the generic ground of everything we think and say. It demands a non-dual vision that shows the person and the Universe at once, and makes the macro scale immediately visible in the micro and vice versa. The second axiom opens the space between the Sky and the Earth, the space-time in which the imagery of invention is situated. It makes all of the resources of algebras, geometries, and physical cosmologies available as modeling tools for SESS, in so far as it takes the 3-d dimensional structure of the Sky-Earth System in literal terms, while fusing them with the semantic parameters of the Mythologiques, minimized to the animal and God positions, from which others (such as the plant, the star, the black hole, etc.) might be structurally and mythically generated. In this way, SESS works alongside physical cosmologies and enters into a unified, in-disciplinary (Schmid 2021) space with the sciences. We build on the legacy of numerous anthropologists who were engineers or who had an interest in physics themselves[14] in order to propose the Sky-Earth System as a toy model of the Universe (Negarestani 2018). The Human becomes a [perspectival] Mars Rover within the Sky-Earth System’s virtual reality experience and cosmology. Let these axioms be the new “givens” of our social science.

By the Sky-Earth System then we do not only mean the planet earth, but any planetary experience [perception] with its horizontal and vertical axes. What we describe is closer to a spaceship Earth (Boulding 1966) in which there is always both the Floor and the Roof, the House that is the Universe. Wherever there is an Earth there is a Sky, and it is a question of what we compose in the interstice, where the poles of the system meet in the Center.

In this sense, we describe a universal cartography at the scale of the Universe. Each image is a referential description of the topology of the Sky-Earth System, whether as the House, the Womb, the Cardinal Directions [all the images of myth] such that each is a diagram or cosmogram. The Mythologiques becomes self-referential in form and content [autopoietic (Varela & Maturana 1980)], an immanent self-description of the Universe. It is a question of seeing both the image and the frame at once, the figure and the ground, showing the whole Sky-Earth System in each description. The Sky-Earth System is both the ground and the figure of our talk, the space and language [topology & talk] we think within, but also what we continually make explicit in our speech, so as to subject it to an evaluation of its usefulness to the ordinary Human.

We wish to think as, if not more, universally than the Moderns themselves, and we know the scope they give to Nature as a background frame to the disciplines. We cannot do away then with the Sky as the encompassing frame of any reversal between the Sky and the Earth, such as in the image of the Earth from “outer-space,” in which the [planet] Earth is now an orb in the Sky, rather than the horizontal plane or floor of the spaceship [the Earth of the observer], or in the relativistic relationships between the terms within any orbital system [the reversibility in the reciprocity of perspectives]. In each case, there is a Sky in which everything happens and which acts as the container of the Universe and that is the Universe. On the other hand, Gaia only proposes a local limitation of the Universe to the Earth, one that in the first place seems to already presuppose the Sky if it is to be seen from the inside, as in exactly how things look like when one looks up: the literal experience we wish to mimic so as to introduce a concrete and literal ground of reference, that is nonetheless distinct from Nature, since the Human is at the Center of the Universe.

To think from the Center of the Universe is to think from the Original Sky prior to the division between the Sky and the Earth, while at the same time holding oneself within their distinction. It is to see the Two in the One (Person/Universe) [axiom 1] and the One in the Two (Sky/Earth) [axiom 2] (Wagner 2001). Axiom 1 unoccludes the Person at the Center of the Universe, and restores the immanence of the person in the Universe and vice-versa. Axiom 2 lifts and holds up the [Original] Sky at the Center of any and all worlds.[15] Together they form a framework, the Sky-Earth System, that restores what the axioms of the impersonal World [commodity-form] conceal, so as to reveal the integrity of the Human everywhere.

The way in which the Center reflects the Sky, and the Sky the Center,[16] is what allows the Sky to be the frame of any inversion between the Sky and the Earth, even as the inversion between the Sky and Earth – and so any two terms– remains symmetrical. SESS operates a transformation on Modern cosmology, in which “transcendence” is suspended, precisely in so far as it is preserved through the identity of the Sky and the Center, rather than the collapse of the Sky which repositions the Modern or the World as “transcendent” over the ordinary person. Instead, the Universe is seen in the Person and the space between Sky and Earth is opened, so as to be crossed and maintained symmetrical in the Center itself. The Center is both between the Sky and the Earth and is the Sky [the World Tree]. At the same time, the encompassment of the system by the Sky allows a control on the system, the specification of the meta-frame and positive parameters of composition.[17]

SESS shows and expands the person to every level of description and analysis. There is a holographic projection of the Sky-Earth System onto the Sky’s surface, mirroring the usage of the holographic principle in physics, used to describe the surface of the Black Hole (Louis-Klein 2022b). The geometry that results is conformal [cf. Penrose 2010], meaning it operates at any scale, allowing the imagery of the Sky-Earth System, with the person at the Center, to take on the same scale-invariance, as long as it is described as nothing but the composition of the Sky-Earth System, in terms of the diagrammatic character of the images described above. In this way, the Sky-Earth System works as the literal space-time frame of the generic statements and images that we see as present in whatever ethnographic material (including the scientific disciplines of the Moderns), providing a generic embedding of all of them within the concrete meta-frame and thinking environment (cf. Levi-Strauss 1955, 1964, 1966, 1968, 1971 , Wagner 1986, 2001).[18] We start from and think within a Black Hole cosmology, with the person at the Center (cf. Good 1972, Pathria 1972).

The ontological turn (cf. Holbraad & Pedersen 2017) took itself to be continuing on Wagner’s project for a recursive anthropology that thinks with and takes seriously its interlocutors, and it understood the wide scope that such a project would imply in reframing anthropology’s relationship to the totality of the disciplines, which it named as “ontology.” However, we feel that without a positive control on the material, the specification of new parameters and a new meta-frame, the project of the ontological turn is liable to repositioning in the World or reference to Nature. In new-materialist talk, we see a positioning of the ancient within the global order of NGO intervention, ecology as a reigning paradigm that appeals to the Moderns’ intuitions of Nature, an orientation to the Ancients that does not necessarily involve thinking-with them and may involve instrumentalizing them (cf. Wagner 1977). What matters for the Ancients is that the Universe and the Human are seen together, not that the “homo sapiens” is made a mere instrument for the reproduction of Nature, under the guise of sustainability. In this way, the Ancient comes to take on a merely local and encompassed position in the World and is made to answer to it. In analytical terms, it came to be seen that what the ontological turn was calling “ontology” could not be distinguished from “culture,” from simply the local cosmology of this or that cultural group within the World (cf. Kohn 2015). The Sky-Earth System is not a local cosmology, but rather a generic cosmology, in which each local appears as a perfect or holographic representative of the global structure. This is because it is composed out of generics, as Wagner and others have described of Melanesian knowledge-practices (cf. Crook 2007), and as Viveiros de Castro intuits when he sees Amazonian perspectivism as a generalizable frame of comparison between cosmologies and not only a cosmology to be compared.[19]

Ontology distracts from the ordinary person, who ends up being replaced by the impersonal category of “Being” (cf. Mimica 1993) so that there is a disproportion between analytical and interpersonal frames of thinking (cf. Strathern 2020), a division of labor and formula for the reproduction of the World, the systematic occlusion – perpetual eclipse [the long night]– of the person at the Center. What mattered for the ontological turn was often the “becoming-other” [variation; difference] of any ‘what’ (the concept of a mountain, bird, language, sign, meaning, time, space, Being, etc.) as it is transformed in anthropological comparison (see Charbonnier et al. 2017). What matters for SESS is the conformal transformation, not of the ‘what,’ but of the ‘who’: how the person is integrated with the Universe in the expansion of the generic image and description, as it is unfolded from within the Sky-Earth System.

The Peoples and places at the margins of the World have always been a Black Hole for the anthropology of the Moderns, the problem of how to incorporate and make sense of them within the World of the Moderns (cf. Strathern 1990, Crook 2007). Wagner’s theory of symbolic obviation is an anthropological formalization of certain Melanesian knowledge practices (Wagner 1978; cf. Crook & Shaffner 2011), a way of speaking directly from the Black Hole. Obviation turns the images in the words back on themselves, reversing their time-series, breaking down and recycling the sense they make in the reciprocity of perspectives at the Center (Wagner 2018b), what the Daribi call a porigi po, an inventive speech that produces new images and concepts, each one generic in scope.[20] In the Upper Rio Negro region of the Amazon, and today in Manaus, the Kumu practitioner also practices a kind of conformal speech – the science of bahsese – in which any image can be activated or reactivated within the talk or chant so as to effect a concrete reintegration [healing] of the person with the Universe (cf. Lima Azevedo 2016, Lima Barreto 2022).

In the language of the World, generic and specifics are not alternate and proportionate terms, but rather the specific is subordinated to the generic, and there is a chasm between local and global representations. The World is a typed coding language[21], rather than a homoiconic LISP (Kay 1969) in which structures can be analogically preserved across different scales or levels of reference [permuted as block-strings]. The World gets caught up in its own abstract categories as if they existed over and above the ordinary Person and People [auto-position (Laruelle 1996)]. The Modern talk tends to be associative in this way. The words become indexicals of positions in the World and the contents associate amongst each other independent of the form of the sentence. The Modern talks about things, rather than thinks with them, at a level of reference that is disconnected from the content and is citational.[22] As Latour (2012) showed, the Modern often invokes science in this way, being more concerned with regulating the word “science” as an index of the World’s authority than in thinking scientifically, or working directly with scientific concepts as an ordinary scientist. It’s necessary to attend to both the form and the content of speech, not only what is said, but how. SESS is engaged in an ongoing symptomatology of the Moderns, similar in certain ways to psychoanalysis, so as to locate where and how the Moderns occlude the Person in their ways of talking, and to directly experiment with speaking and thinking as Ancients.

SESS suspends the authority of the Moderns and their control over who or what people think with and over what counts as ordinary Human speech. Authority-over is cross-canceled in reciprocal predation. Each is forced to think with each other, as a We, at the Center. No one has absolute authority over the material, but each is capable of co-authoring, speaking and thinking-with each other in a reciprocity of perspectives. SESS sets up a positive space to think with everyone everywhere, each time, with each other, all together and at once, from the Center that is everywhere. The Ancients always begin again from the Center, the common = X, in order to redivide the World by the person, to make the Universe and Person conformal to and integrated with each other.

The Sky-Earth System exerts a force on the reader to think with the other, to enter and think inside of its matrix, but it does not force the reader into any determinate position [dogmatic], nor does it hide its constitutive statements and proposals [axioms], as if they were not open to evaluation based on their consequences, or usefulness. Yet, this is precisely what the Moderns continue to do with both Nature and the World.

SESS is not another theory about, standing over what it describes, considering it externally, but a toy model in one to one correspondence with the concrete person [at the center] living with each other [at the center] between the Sky and the Earth. When nothing is taken as given [Nature], then the Universe is composed simply of images, to be put together and recombined, experimented-with and experienced in the person [bahsese]. Rather than a new Philosophy, or an [uncontrolled] mixture (cf. Laruelle 1996) of Anthropology and Philosophy, we wish to suspend both the implicit Philosophy of the World, and the explicit Philosophy that still reflects the World in analytical and categorical form and that would still ground the various analytical or theoretical frames of the social sciences (whether these Philosophies be classical, rationalist, phenomenological, semiotic, Deleuzian, etc.). Our axioms are not theories about Nature meant to be won in debates within the World, but simply minimal constraints so as to make a generic thinking-with the images, with other people, possible. This is also how SESS treats ethnographic material, as toy models or prototypes (Corsin Jimenez 2013) for thinking and experimenting as people in the Universe. 

There is a reason that the Modern has not taken the Ancient sciences seriously, or even truly tried to experiment with, or import wholesale [analogic], the ways the contemporary Ancients at the margins live, because they lead to the World obviation, destruction and recycle (cf. Holbraad, Cherstich & Tassi 2020). The Ancients start from and continue with a place-value for any person=x=SES such that the World never gets off of the ground, let alone big enough to occlude the Person in the Original Sky or the Original Sky in the Person (cf. Weiner 2001; Corsin Jimenez 2004).

SESS allows the Modern division of labor for reproducing the World to be clearly seen for what it is, the obscuring of the Person at the Center of the Universe, across all of their different social forms, in their kinship, politics, economics, and [World] religions (cf. Schneider 1984). Anthropologists have described this obscuring and displacement of the Person under different names inclusive of but not only the “commodity” (Marx 1867, Strathern 1988), “bureaucracy” (Weber 1922), and the “state” (Clastres 1989).[23] In each case, some-thing other than the person grows itself as the World [commodity chains; cancer; blight].

The Ancient always thinks in a way that takes responsibility for the person, as has been described by anthropologists (cf. Wagner 1981) under different terms, including the gift (Mauss 1925), the elementary structures of kinship [in generalized and restricted exchange] (Levi-Strauss 1955), the society against the state (Clastres 1989), galactic polities (Tambiah 2013), kingdoms (Graeber & Sahlins 2017), and polycentric polytheism (Butler 2012, Barker 1992). These are but names for the sciences of the Ancients in how they place the person front and center. Sky-Earth Systems Science generalizes these Ancient survivals in the World not as types but as integrated analogic ground [common=x], such that exchange is kept conformal in the recycle of the person, each time [the Human life cycle]. SESS revives the ancient form of exchange (Mauss 1925), in the form of the Human economy (cf. Hart, Laville & Cattani 2010), where no-thing is bigger than or debases the person.

We feel that the crossing-point of Melanesian and Amazonian thinking has allowed us to locate the generic position from which to speak, that which symmetric anthropology was leading to, and which the ontological turn still needed. They form a chiasmus: What we see in Melanesia is the Sky-Earth System shown within the Human Hologram, the analogical body of the person that keeps its proportion across any scale, folding the entire Universe into the person’s skin; while what we see in Amazonia is the Human everywhere in the Sky-Earth System, the Human spread throughout the skin of the Universe. In each case and together, we see the person and the Universe at once: the person at the Center of the Universe. More than just a cultural comparison between these two local regions (cf. Gregor & Tuzin 2001), we feel that this chiasmus is a site – though not the only one – from which to compose a generic anthropology.

In 2011, Roy Wagner and Justin Shaffner (one of the co-authors) were invited to Brazil to initiate a formal reciprocity of perspectives, an exchange of skins (Crook 2007), between emerging Amazonian and Melanesian anthropologies. These ritual exchanges were ongoing experiments in reverse, symmetrical and cross anthropology (cf. dos Santos & Dias 2009), of thinking in a reciprocity of perspectives. There they engaged with Yanomami shaman and prophet Davi Kopenawa and also Eduardo Viveiros de Castro, as well as other Brazilian anthropologists and indigenous leaders. It is also where Adam Louis-Klein (the other co-author) would return in 2022 to study prophetic movements, meeting with Ye'pa-Mahsã anthropologist João Paulo Lima Barreto and Ümükori-Mahsã elder Durvalino Kisibi, both of whom work at Bahserikowi: the Center of Indigenous Medicine in Amazonia and the indigenous research-group NEAI (núcleo de estudos da Amazônia indígena), ongoing experiments in symmetric anthropology at the margins of the World and irreducible to Euro-American anthropology (cf. Lima Barreto 2022, Diakara 2021, NEAI 2018).

People everywhere at the ends of the World are experimenting with starting over, of recycling [refactoring] the materials, and beginning again, recomposing the Human, and they are doing so through thinking-with the Ancients. We want to show how the various experiments happening at the margins of the World (or in the World, but not of it) work alongside Sky-Earth Systems Science, including the various currents of anthropology that have led here or are ongoing.

There is an ongoing tradition of active experimentation in thinking with-the Ancients in the Americas, coterminous with the trans-plantation of the World there in the "New World," from the Mormons, the Moorish Temple Science, and Rastafari, among others, to Afro- and Indigenous Futurism and a contemporary pan-Black=Ancient revival. Each reframes the Moderns’ language of Blackness into a common=x for contemporary experimentations and recompositions of thinking with and as Ancients – the original Ancient Peoples and Civilizations in Africa, but also Ancient Blacks everywhen (from the Beginning) and everywhere (the Americas, the Mediterranean, India, Asia, and Pacific). In their thinking-with the Ancients, they seek to decode and unlock the wisdom practices of the Ancients captured in the ethnographic and historical record or are otherwise occluded by the World, to open them up as an immanent phase space, a common=X, from which to experiment (cf. da Silva 2014).

The practice of anthropologist Acacea Lewis exemplifies this work. Continuing the legacy of Baba Kilindi Iyi, she is actively extracting and experimenting with ancient knowledge practices to revive the ordinary psychedelic experience at the Center of the Universe (cf. Kohn 2022). Like Harriet Tubman, to whom she is compared, Acacea shares the science so that the people can free themselves from the racist identity-categories of the World, and heal [integrate] the transgenerational trauma caused by the systematic capture, exploitation and oppression of the so-called Blacks by the Devil, so as to experiment with starting over again from the Beginning, to recompose themselves as living Ancients, Original People at the Center of the Sky and Earth [World-Trees], even as they are amidst the World’s domination.

We wish to think with these and other movements that seek to revive the knowledge of the Ancients, not as a turn to a by-gone past but as utterly contemporary experiments [with the Human]. We think-with an emerging self-understanding of the Polytheist revival movement that breaks with the dogma of Monotheism to re-articulate the relationship between the ordinary person and the living God[s], prioritizing the who over the what, without the historicism that reduces immortal persons to mere projections of past societies (Butler 2022, Oluwaseyi & Hübner 2022). These movements engage indigenous thought not as mere observers but participants [participant observation = thinking-with]. We also think-with such movements happening in Brazil (Bernardo n.d) and emerging alliances between polytheism, the demarcation movement for indigenous territories (demarcação jà), and generic engagements with Christianity, such as Amazonian and Melanesian Christians who think their own history as one of the Twelve Tribes of Israel and the yearning for the Promised Land (Sanchez, Muniz, & Ribeiro 2022), themselves turning Ancient Hebrew thought into a generic.

We see in all these movements a political articulation that suspends the Moderns and their World, movements which Danowski and Viveiros de Castro (2014) bring under the banner of the Terrans. We see in this suspension a millenarianism, which is intrinsic to the anthropology we practice. We want to herald the coming Kingdom, in which the King of Kings – the God who shows himself in the Human – will have the final authority over the rulers of the World. We want to play our own part in holding up the Sky. We think that anthropology can also be a prophetic voice in our times, and that secular social-scientific critique should become prophetic critique (Heschel 1962; cf Clastres 1995, da Silva 2018), the suspension of the World’s power from the point of view of the person. This is the place from which Jesus spoke, and not only him alone, but also Nggiwe, Yurupary, and ordinary prophets everywhere.

We do not start from the universality of the “suffering subject” (Robbins 2013), as the invariant of anthropology, but the ordinary person prior to the debasements (Patterson 1982) of the World. Jesus was not defined by his suffering but as the ordinary person unbreakable in the face of any, whereas to define him by his suffering was the Roman point of view on him, the point of view of the World. We speak from Jesus not as “Christians” or from this identity-category [local positioning] in the World, but from the proposition that Ancient Hebrew Thought can act as a generic, just as it does for Amazonian, Melanesian and other polycentric Christians. We would like here to turn the anthropology of Christianity (cf. Robbins 2003, 2004, Engelke 2007, Engelke & Robbins 2010, Vilaça 2016, Vilaça & Wright 2009) around itself, so as to become a generic (cf. Laruelle 2014) for anyone to think-with, rather than the description of a Modernizing or counter-Modernizing project which would be imposed on the subjects of the [globalized] World.

We want to reclaim from the Modern the longue durée of the Human at the Center, in a way that is true to the time-space of the Sky-Earth System, without historicization within the History of the World: its evolutionism, its World-Wars, the story of Modernity (cf. Wagner 1986). We speak new stories, in new languages, that are but the unfolding of the Myth, the [vector] matrix phase-space (cf. Maniglier 2016) of the Peoples as they think together at the Center of the Universe. This is the history that starts from what always was and always has been, and which will still be there, when the Moderns have sunk back into the ground where they came from.

Civilization has been there since the Beginning, whenever and wherever there’s been People (cf. Graeber & Wengrow 2021, Gimbutas 1993, Hancock 2015, 2019).[24] The person at the Center of the Universe is the analogic unit [seed, living stone, lego block] of Civilization, the scale-invariant term for any House [oikos] composed from the common = x (Wagner 1986b, 2012). In the reproduction of the person (=x) across the lifecycle, the Ancients permute the different units of the person across regional systems, culture areas (Kroeber 1925), civilizations (Spengler 1926, Mauss 1929), galactic polities (Tambiah 2013), and planets. The People as Wandering Heroes cross the horizontal plane of the Earth, composing themselves as a vertical in the Pyramid, Temple, City and World Tree [fractal-Forest].

When Nggiwe came to New Guinea, the People were living under the ground, inside holes in the trees and the earth. They were all folded in on themselves (cf. Mimica 1988). They could not speak or move properly. They did not have proper holes for their eyes, ears, nose, mouth or anus, and they had webs between their limbs and the digits of their hands and toes. There was also a Giant, known by many names, including Sido, Sosom, Souw, Kau, and Nimrod, roaming the landscape (cf. Wagner 1996, Shaffner 2010) mistreating and eating them as if they were only animals.

Nggiwe saw what was going on, and felt sorry for the People. Whenever and wherever he came across them, he uncovered and opened them up so as to reveal the Human at the Center (Anim-aha) (cf. Van Baal 1966). Nggiwe used a bamboo knife to cut open their eyes and mouths, and to separate their arms and legs. “Open your eyes. See the Sun in the Sky? How does it feel on the skin? Open your ears, and listen. Spread your fingers and toes. Stretch out, and stand up straight. Open your mouths, and try to talk. Tell me what you see.” He and his wife then washed them in the water so that they would heal and grow.

Nggiwe then constructed a Haus Tambaran, or Spirit House [a Temple (Barker 2004) & University (Narokobi 1980)], in order to introduce the Ancient arts and sciences of how to live well together, as Humans, between the Sky and the Earth. He divided the house down the middle along its spine into two sides, the Sun and the Moon, each corresponding to the different phases of the Sky with the Earth (sunrise/sunset and day/night), and the Earth with the Sky (water/land), respectively. He then further subdivided each side, like the ribs, into equal sections, so that each boan – all of the different plant and animal totemic groups (cf. Busse 1987) – have their own section. “You of the Barramundi, the Turtle and the Sago belong to the Sun. You of the Cassowary, the Pig, and the Crocodile to the Moon. Treat each other as brothers and sisters, as Human, and be fruitful and multiply. Marry across the House.”

Nggiwe then instructed them on generic exchange within the Sky-Earth System, revealing the House to be a common = x matrix table, for multiplying the People as a confederation of plants and animals (cf. Louis-Klein n.d.), in one skin, through continuous symmetrical exchange within and across the different houses. He then led the People in revenge against the impersonal Giant to return the exchange, to make it symmetrical and create a new common=x. They had a great feast, redividing and reapportioning the World among them, re-distributing and integrating the Person.

Nggiwe reveals the House to be a toy model of the Sky-Earth System, for how to take responsibility for growing and reproducing the Human at the Center of the Universe in radical [non-]dual organization (cf. Viveiros de Castro 2012), such that across the different houses of people that compose the regional system (cf. Damon 1990) and galactic polity (cf. Tambiah 2013), the person is entirely integrated across any permutation.

In this way, Jesus-Nggiwe (cf. Busse 2005a) showed the People everywhere how to start Civilization all over again, from the Beginning, at the ends of the World; to obviate or anneal the World System (cf. Wagner 1986; Gómez-Emilsson 2021). There, in Melanesia, where the Sun comes out of the Ground, the Twelve Tribes of Nggiwegizie [the Children of Nggiwe] still generate the People according to the His Law, and say that they will continue to do so until the end of the World (cf. Busse 2005b).

To live well again between the Sky and Earth, to redistribute the materials of the World to the Peoples, in order to re-invent themselves as Humans, just as Nggiwe [and all the wandering civilizing heroes everywhere (Sahlins 2017)] did. To show the integral Person as the Beautiful and the Good, the psychedelic symmetries of the God (cf. Lévi-Strauss 1955, 1964, 1966, 1968, 1971, Hage 1983, Kuechler 2017, 2020, Gómez-Emilsson 2020), laid out on the walls of the Holographic House and Temple. To learn to be together again in communitas and conviviality (Turner 2011, Overing & Passes 2000, Schmid 2021).

SESS invigorates anthropology’s political potential to suspend the World and its epistemological potential to think-with the sciences after Nature. It revives anthropology's vocation to think with others, as a universal project, freed this time from [exclusive] “us/them” contrasts that keep the other’s thoughts at a comfortable distance, or in mere complicity with growing and reproducing the World. Rather than a racial science and classification of homo sapiens, or the attempt to discern its cognitive unity, generic anthropology is a science from and as the ordinary person, whom we have called the Ancients, in fidelity to anthropology’s vocation to think from the margins of the World yet from the Center of the Universe.

These reflections have been predominantly methodological in character and have focused on  SESS’s relationship to the discipline of anthropology. Much more is to be said in terms of the content of its cosmology or the way in which it involves and extends the physical sciences [systems theory, physical cosmology, ecology, biology, medicine, astronomy] or theology [non-standard abrahams, messianic movements, polytheism(s)]. They are simply the ancient arts and sciences of Human flourishing (cf. Hirshberg et al. 2022), living well between the Sky and the Earth. Some of these themes have begun to be sketched in three texts by Adam Louis-Klein (2021, 2022a, 2022b)[25], and are under active experimentation in formal and informal contexts (such as social media), amongst members of Oscillations: Non-Standard Experiments in Anthropology, the Social Sciences, and Cosmology. Most of all we wish to suggest SESS as a research programme, to be undertaken collectively and across a wide range of concerns and ethnographic materials, and alongside other disciplines. We feel that what we have proposed is a natural direction for anthropology to take and is consistent with the driving motivations of the discipline, and we welcome all kinds of collaboration with this endeavor.

Today, new Giants are roaming the landscape. We need a new planetary-scale Ancient civilization (Hancock 2015, 2019, Graeber & Wengrow 2021, Witzel 2012), to conduct the diplomacy (Latour 2012, 2017, 2018) that makes possible its integration and harmony, making the person seen everywhere in the Universe: a generic cosmology in which to think and live as Ancients.

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[1] “We” take ourselves to be ordinary persons, an invariant position from which anyone can think.

[2] The World is simply the project of living together, which either aligns with the Human, or else, occludes it. Amazonians and Melanesians do not need to distinguish the World from the Universe (Amazonians use the terms “mundo'' and “universo” synonymously (Pãrõkumu & Toramü 1980, Galvão & Galvão 2004, Fernandes & Fernandes 1996, Krenak 2019)), but since the Moderns have separated them, their taking the World and the Universe together amounts to a conflation. The World of the Moderns occludes both the Universe and the Human. In this text, when we write the World in capitals, we mean the World of the Moderns, as what has become hegemonic. It corresponds to the colloquial meaning of the phrase “the World” amongst Moderns, in both its reference to the World of Modern social life taken as global, as well as its confusion with reality as such (the philosophical meaning of “the World”) (Laruelle 1996). By the Universe, we mean the conformal unification of worlds that shows the person at the Center of any of them, as is explained in this text.

[3] We are not simply critiquing the World from an established position within it as it is ranged against its other conventionalized “critical” positions [“left” “right” etc.], but suspending the very form of talk of the World – its habits of description and perception – so as to shift the ground of talk and perception completely to the Sky-Earth System.

[4] By anthropologist, we mean any ordinary person anywhere thinking-with or doing anthropology and not some Modern professional identity. The ordinary is not a statistical or conventionalized normalcy, but simply the fact that the person is given everywhere, at the Center of the Universe.

[5] In this text we use brackets [ ] in addition to parentheses and footnotes. Whereas footnotes sideline or subordinate information to the main text, parentheses work to illustrate or clarify information in the immediate vicinity of the sentence. Brackets on the other hand work for us neither as subordinated information nor as illustrations, but alternate generic descriptions that are at the exact same level as non-bracketed material.

[6] Here, we are simply generalizing the critique of the Moderns everywhere (cf. Levi-Strauss 1971, Wagner 1981, Strathern 1988, Latour 1991, Viveiros de Castro 2009, da Silva 2007, 2022), in and outside of the Academy as belonging to the same World domination, as simply Modern race science meant to suppress the Ancients.

[7] We acknowledge Bruno Latour here as one of the proponents of a symmetric anthropology, who explicitly experimented with regimes of enunciation and dared to speak and intervene on behalf of and as a Generic Ancient in the World wars over the sciences: “We have never been Modern” (Latour 1991).

[8] "Every understanding of another culture is an experiment with our own." (Wagner 1981)

[9] Here we are simply trying to take the cosmologies of the Ancients literally, which includes the “shamanic” ascent (and descent) [the vertical] to the various layers of the Sky and Underworld. We want to think from within the entire time-space of the Ancients.

[10] Uniformitarianism [geology] sees the Earth as background, impersonal Nature, with human Culture impinging on it only as the analogical Modern-cut, the social-evolutionary “transition to civilization” [archaeology]: the Neolithic, the State, Writing, Indo-Europeans, the Aryans, the Axial Age, Monotheism, the Greeks, Plato, Christianity, Modernity. These premises continue to be dogmatically assumed by Modern geologists and archaeologists, who attempt to force others into accepting them on the basis of authority, or threaten anyone who questions them with punishment to their reputations. These premises have been exposed by paleoontologist Stephen Jay Gould for geology, and by Graeber & Wengrow, as well as journalist Graham Hancock, for archaeology.

[11] The axioms can be evaluated on the basis of their consequences, on the degree to which they let such a thinking be actualized.

[12] Talking in, in the sense of both talking in a language [the form of talk] and talking inside of a space [the topology of the frame].

[13] Sky:Earth::Culture:Nature is the Modern formula, which SESS suspends. In the Modern formula, the first two terms are metaphorical, while the second two are literal, or Nature is the literal ground of reference, and Culture is a literal metaphoricity, or the natural ground of human metaphorical projection. The Modern appeal to the “immanence” and “materiality” of the Earth, involves a metaphorization of the Earth, grounded in the encompassment of literal Nature. Should the formula be reversed so that Culture encompasses, the Modern perceives that as the encompassment of a metaphorical Sky (“Heaven”), which should itself be understood in terms of a human and cultural metaphorical projection. SESS flips the formula a different way, so that the terms no longer correspond, by taking the front two terms as literal, and the back two as metaphorical, while also taking the Sky as the encompassing term. Sky is no longer in correspondence with Culture because it is not a local metaphoricity within Nature, but a literal encompassing container, while Earth is no longer in correspondence with Nature, because it is not the encompassing term.

[14] Franz Boas, Bronisław Malinowski, Claude Lévi-Strauss, Edmund Leach, Roy Wagner, etc.

[15] It is not only whether there is one or many worlds that matters, but the distinct experience in which they are composed, and the formalization that lets that experience be felt and transmitted. The Sky-Earth System is both a world-pluralism and a conformal unification of many worlds, a complete meta-frame and one in which no world irreversibly dominates the others. For the Sky, as the encompassing frame, is reflected back into the polycentric Center itself.

[16] The Sky and the Center are reflected along the vertical axis, along the World Tree, as one sees when one looks up from the Center to the zenith. Or it occurs through the rotation of the Sky, as the Sun, Moon, and Stars cross the horizontal plane of the Earth, and the Sky reverses to become the Underworld, synthesizing the horizontal and vertical axes through the curvature [space] and rotation [time] of the Sky.  In this way, the Sky proportions perception to the Center.

[17] In order to elucidate further the structure of these operations, we formalize a [non-standard] computational procedure elsewhere (Louis-Klein & Shaffner n.d.).

[18] In the last instance, there is always a map that exists from any image within SESS back onto the Sky, or onto the structure of the Sky-Earth System [as in the Cardinal Directions or the Longhouse, the Chiasmus], which preserves the conformality of any image to the Center of the Universe.

[19] Where we depart from Viveiros de Castro is in the idea that the generalization of Amazonian thinking results in an anarchic anti-holism, a dispersion of local cosmologies, rather than a generic cosmology, and in the last instance, an inverse, counter, and anti-Modernism, rather than a suspension of the Moderns on an autonomous basis.

[20] Porigi po has analogues elsewhere in Melanesia including the Foi irisae~medobora ("tree leaf talk") (Weiner 2001), the Kaluli balema (Feld 1987), and the infamous knowledge practices of the Min of the Mountain Ok (Barth 1987, Crook 2007, Wagner 2018a), a region also known as the “graveyard of anthropology” (Crook 2007), due to the difficulty anthropologists have had in staying faithful to what they experienced in the field, once back in the midst of the World.

[21] In computer programming, a type system dictates the kinds of operations that can be performed on a term (a word, phrase, or other set of symbols). Type systems formalize and enforce the otherwise implicit categories the programmer uses for algebraic data types, data structures, or other components.

[22] A different citational practice is possible, one that treats names like block-strings [skins; heads; names] to be permuted, recombined and superposed, treated conformally and experimented with freely to create Human effects (see Louis-Klein & Shaffner n.d.).

[23] The Big Other (Lacan 1966).

[24]This is simply what the Myth asserts, including the Bible.

[25] https://oscillations.one/Assets/Issues/Sky-Earth+Systems+Science

KEYWORDS: Sky-Earth Systems Science, the Human, Generic Ancient, symmetric anthropology, the Moderns, the World.

Thoughts on Sign and Image in Neo-Platonism and Northwest Amazonian Ontology

Thoughts on Sign and Image in Neo-Platonism and Northwest Amazonian Ontology

Using semiotics to understand another ontology may face the same problems as that of assuming an “ontology of ontologies” - an ontology that describes the relations between all ontologies - when another ontology involves a distinct ontology of the sign. I have tried to describe the soul(-as-image) in Northwest Amazonia as an iconic sign, because it bears a relationship of similarity to its referent (in this case, the body), while it is also indexical, as it refers by contiguity to a relation of energy-exchange with an immortal ancestral being or a dark, shadowy demon. However, to say that the relation is one of both contiguity and similarity may be to say all too little if the very meaning of contiguity and similarity differ within a distinct ontology. In Neo-Platonic (and I would say also Northwest Amazonian) emanationism, contiguity and similarity accompany one another, in so far as nearness to other beings in the processual hierarchy is part and parcel of the relationship of participation through which the lower receives qualities from the higher, thus becoming similar to it. The emanation is a transmission of “energy” (ἐνέργεια).

Thus, a Neo-Platonist like Iamblichus, whose On the Mysteries at times reads like a kind of close phenomenology of the manifestations and images that unfold from divine emanations, can himself understand ritual symbols (σύμβολον, the root of ‘symbol’, or otherwise συνθημα ‘token’) as images that participate in the Gods. These ‘symbols’ are just as much’ ‘icons’ (εἰκών, root of ‘icon’). The same goes for omens such as in bird-signs or haruspicy (divinization based on the entrails of sacrificial animals), except here we are dealing with ‘signs’ (as σῆμα, from which we get ‘semiotics’). Whereas omens seem like paradigmatic cases of indexical signs - since they should ‘indicate’ what will follow from them in time (although in terms of the sequence of cause and effect, the indexical relation appears to be reversed, since the sign indexes a future event, rather than a past one) - for Iamblichus they are in fact images that participate in their divine models (De Myst. II-III).

I do not want to push the point too far, but its clear how the logic of participation is serving to create a semantic cluster that serves to unify the concepts of ‘sign’ ‘symbol’ ‘image’ and ‘icon’ (which semiotics might differentiate between), in a way that relates contiguity and similarity according to a specific ontology, thus requiring that our own semiotic vocabulary adjust itself to distinct ontological presuppositions.

The emanationism of the people of the Northwest Amazon would appear to follow Neo-Platonism, if only in linking the idea of a transmission of energy to a manifestation of image and quality, defining both relations of contiguity and similarity (see my post on emanationism in Northwest Amazonia, which I also plan to expand upon in the near future). This is exactly how Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff, who worked closely with Antonio Guzman, a Desano who was also fluent in Spanish, ended up understanding the concept of the ‘keori’, which Reichel-Dolmatoff ended up translating as ‘symbol’ but also as “image, echo, shadow, reflection” (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1971). Examples of the keori images are hallucinatory forms seen during the consumption of yajé (=ayahuasca) or the design-patterns and paintings that decorate the walls of houses and, in fact, I would suggest, any patterned surface or visible form.

Now, it would seem that Reichel-Dolmatoff and Guzman together came to the conclusion that the keori must be distinguished according to the idea of ‘symbol as model’ and ‘symbol as replica” (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1971), which strongly suggests a Platonic-style model-copy relationship between different images. They also devised a kind of schema to understand Desano ‘symbolism’ - a four-fold movement of “thought jumps,” which pass from ‘concrete’ to ‘abstract’: from immediate metaphorical-metonymic associations, to sexual physiology (such as round, womb-like forms vs. phallic, long forms), to the fertile energy that circulates through the cosmos, to the principle of the color-energies as emanations from the Sun. The movement from ‘concrete’ to ‘abstract’ seems to follow the difference between ‘perceiving’ (as inyamahsiri) and ‘conceiving’ (as pemahsiri). It appears that ‘conceiving’ is itself directed to the keori, and so we would suspect, the keori as model, ‘Form’ or ‘Concept’ in the Platonic sense of eidos, whose basic meaning we should remember is ‘image’ or ‘manifest appearance.’

Can the phenomenology of the image in Desano thought be meaningfully compared to the Neo-Platonist one? I would say yes, even if we should understand the specific hierarchy of “thought jumps” as more of a reflexive schema that Reichel-Dolmatoff and Guzman developed through their dialogues in the writing of Amazonian Cosmos. However, it is not yet totally clear what is going on, exactly, when we move from the keori as such to ‘symbol’ ‘sign’ and ‘icon,’ almost all terms which in fact derive directly from the Greek (‘sign’ in fact from Latin ‘signum’ but linked in our thinking to ‘semiotics,’ from Greek σῆμα), a point which cannot help but arise in comparing to Neo-Platonist theories of the image in the context of emanationist ontology. The problem of translation is not innocent, because it gets at the very question of understanding the underlying phenomenological intuitions that ground the Northwest Amazonian thought of ‘appearance’ as they dovetail with what “we” would call signs, symbols, or icons.

Just as Heidegger carried out a kind of phenomenology of the Greek language, the logical step seems to me to carry out a phenomenology of Desano or Tukanoan language, in order to get inside its own intuitions, and thus its own phenomenology of emanationism, light, and image. This is something I plan to pursue over the coming years, building on Reichel-Dolmatoff’s own practice of glossing and etymology, whose principles he unfortunately never explicated or tried to define. My hope would be to proceed in this way to a kind of ontological relativization of the sign through an encounter with another’s semiotics. At the same time, one might arrive at a clarification of the stakes of this “overlapping” with the intuition of the eidos, and so perhaps deepening the latter’s motivation, now within a transcendental field confined neither to the West nor to the Modern.

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Two Souls, Two Bodies: An Alternate Formulation of Amerindian Perspectivism (part 2)

Two Souls, Two Bodies: An Alternate Formulation of Amerindian Perspectivism (part 2)

This post is meant to be a sequel to my previous post that aimed to reconfigure Viveiros de Castro’s ontological matrix of Amerindian Perspectivism upon empirical grounds (primarily on the basis of Northwest Amazonian ethnographic materials). Here, I show how my reconfiguration of this matrix makes it such that Viveiros de Castro’s attempt to reread Amazonian thought in Deleuzian terms quite simply falls apart, as the specific mappings he is constructing between his theory of multinaturalism and Deleuzian ontology simply no longer hold. This is ultimately rooted in the fact that the theory of monoculturalism and multinaturalism does not in fact correspond to Amerindian theories of the soul and body: there are two types of souls and two types of bodies, not a single soul and a multiplicity of bodies (for the entire ‘matrix’ see my previous post).

My claim is that Deleuze’s ontology is based around a number of core asymmetries, ultimately rooted in two overarching conceptual principles, and that this “system” is carried over into Viveiros de Castro’s theory of Amerindian Perspectivism in Cannibal Metaphysics: first, the “reversal of Platonism,” which subordinates Identity to Difference, and Being to Becoming; second, “the pure and empty form of time,” the “pure series” which understands the asymmetrical time-vector as primary in the generation of the actual out of the virtual plane of intensive differences. The generation of the actual is itself an asymmetric process that, in the last instance, passes from virtual to actual and not vice versa (see EVC’s explicit claim in the text on “Virtual Affinity”). Periodic time is itself subordinated to linear time, paradigm to syntagm, and synchronic to diachronic. Understanding these asymmetries allows one to understand how Viveiros de Castro can allow his theory of Amerindian Perspectivism in “Cosmological Deixis and Amerindian Perspectivism” to lock in to the Deleuzian ontology of Cannibal Metaphysics. “Monoculture” and “multinaturalism” is an asymmetrical duality that will itself be mapped on to Difference and Identity and the whole series of Deleuzian asymmetries.

How does this mapping work? For Viveiros de Castro, the “uniformity of souls” ultimately will take the form of the original uniformity of person-like beings that populated the mythic past as the domain of virtual, intensive differences. The mythic past is a “plane of transparency” in which humans and animals were not yet separated from each other (neither speciated nor individuated) and yet their differential characteristics were present in their names or types of clothing (whose patterns would correspond to the pelts of the animal bodies they would later become) and, as such, “virtual” and “intensive.” This plane of transparency is simultaneously a plane of pure transformation, as the mythic past is characterized by the capacity of beings to freely change their forms. It is also relational in so far as one must understand the ‘monocultural’ characteristics of the soul to be simultaneously rooted in the fact that every ‘I’ is ultimately only defined by another ‘I.’ This is the cannibal imperative, to draw spiritual substance from other ‘I’s’ in order to reaffirm one’s relation to the spiritual and mythic past.

In short, virtual is prior to actual, becoming to being, relations to terms, soul to body. As we move out of the mythic past, we enter - just as we leave the virtual for the actual - the realm of bodies. Here bodies become separated and “individuated” and thus ‘differencated’ (I’m purposely supplying the Deleuzian term here) as the mutli-natural domain. Yet the virtual stays under the surface as the pure field of relations that makes this process possible. As Viveiros de Castro will directly state in “Exchanging Perspectives: The Transformation of Objects into Subjects,” monoculturalism and multinaturalism should ultimately be understood in the same terms as ‘Monism=Pluralism’ (notice how tight that mapping is) where the ‘uniformity of souls’ will ultimately mean nothing but the ultimately purely relational and transformational character of a multiplicity of bodies understood in terms of their virtual grounds.[1]

What does this have to do with the concept of asymmetrical time? Key to Viveiros de Castro’s argument is that we should understand Amazonian thought not in terms of totemism - in Lévi-Strauss’s terms, synchronic homologies, and thus metaphorical relations, between social groups and natural species - but in terms of sacrifice, i.e. metonymical relations between human and non-humans (in Descola’s thinking, which EVC takes up here, the sacrificial relation becomes the basis of thinking about ‘animic’ relationships relationships of social contiguity between humans and non-humans both conceived as persons). In structuralist parlance, metonymic relations correspond to relationships of contiguity in a series (or syntagm) and are basically diachronic in character, whereas metaphorical relationships refer to relationships of similarity and have, in general, a more synchronic character. The distinction is the very basis of Viveiros de Castro’s notion of the ‘two Lévi-Strausses’ where one would be oriented to the abstract, homological relations at the level of the synchronic, while the other would be a ‘trickster Lévi-Strauss’ whose usage of ‘the transformation group’ would instead orient his thought towards ‘real Becomings.’ It’s exactly this Lévi-Strauss that is supposed to indicate Lévi-Strauss’s own “becoming-Amazonian.” Finally, we are posed the extraordinary claim that Amazonian myth should itself be seen as a “minor” mythology (of becomings and transformations) rather than a “major” mythology of synchronic paradigms.

Thus the following set of homologies is implicit in Viveiros de Castro:

Sacrifice:Totemism::Metonym:Metaphor::Trickster Lévi-Strauss:Rationalist Lévi-Strauss:Minor:Major.

They correspond with the Deleuzian series: virtual:actual::difference:identity::intensive:extensive:Becoming:Being.

Which finally correspond to:

monoculturalism:multinaturalism

Forget Lévi-Strauss’s continual insistence on the theme of periodicity in Amerindian myths, which are both synchronic and diachronic through their own recursive character, and which characterize “cold” societies who aim to subordinate events to structures, and forget the fact that the structural analysis of mythology’s main contribution in many ways was to see a greater primacy of the paradigm (not the syntagm) in the “language” that constitutes myth. In EVC’s hands, Amazonian thought is the “minor” mythology of pure linearities that celebrate the ever-new.

If this is indeed the mapping, then it can be seen that the system breaks apart as long as one no longer accepts monoculturalism and multinaturalism which should correspond to the entire series of asymmetrical binaries which itself affirms the linearity of time. Thus, if my last post is correct, and the soul and the body can in no way correspond to monoculturalism and multinaturalism, because in fact there are two overarching types of souls and two overarching bodies, themselves in correspondence, then we are fully outside of Deleuzianism. The system no longer locks in and we are free to consider Amazonian ontology in completely different terms.


[1] Concrete transformations actualize virtual possibilities existing in the mythic past.

Petroglyphs of animals at the cliffs of the Master of Animals (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1997)

Petroglyphs of animals at the cliffs of the Master of Animals (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1997)

Two Souls, Two Bodies: An Alternate Formulation of Amerindian Perspectivism

Two Souls, Two Bodies: An Alternate Formulation of Amerindian Perspectivism

A recent conversation during the Cosmic Alternatives summer school at the ISCI has made me want to try to rearticulate not only where I feel that Viveiros de Castro’s style of recursive comparison comes to falter in its capacity to capture alterity, but more specifically where I think his own formulation of Amerindian perspectivism ought to be readjusted on empirical grounds. By stating that I wish to reformulate it on empirical grounds I am not just trying to point out the merely abstract and hypothetical character of his formulation: rather, I want to see if there is empirical basis for coming up with a different, theoretical “matrix” of Amerindian thought, in this sense, in continuity with what he has tried to do in a text like “Cosmological Deixis and Amerindian Perspectivism.” In other words, I think a different system of oppositions might hold than: culture:nature::one:many::given:produced::soul: body.

The problem that led me to this reformulation was the fact that EVC’s matrix depends on a soul/body opposition which is necessarily underelaborated, especially given the fact that, as Laura Rival has noted, “understanding of the soul and body in Amazonia is incipient” (Rival 2005). That was in 2005 but it would still seem relevant, especially if we take into account Whittaker’s more recent assessment of the varying and sometimes contradictory theories of the soul in Amazonia (Whittaker 2016).

In my recent MA thesis at UChicago, I argued that there were two types of souls in Northwest Amazonia. Though I did not realize it at the time, this is in direct contrast to the crucial component of Viveiros de Castro’s theory that there is a single kind of soul and a multiplicity of bodies, the basis of the theory of multinaturalism seen as an inversion of Western multiculturalism. I emphasize that I argued for there being two types of souls, for in Amazonia usually there are a multiplicity of souls concretely speaking. In fact, my argument was that all souls are made up of the single kind of life-force or luminescent energy that circulates through the cosmos. There can be multiple souls because there can be multiple ‘condensations’ of this life-force - for example, the Jivaro in Ecuador think of different souls inhabiting distinct organs (Descola 1986), which I would interpret as differently localized condensations of energy.  

Nevertheless, the key distinction I argued for was between the shadow-soul and the vital soul, the latter of which could also be called the ornament-soul, because it appears as a beautified, colored, patterned surface in the manner of the ornamented body. The shadow-soul on the other hand is dark and gross and is assimilated to the animal or really demonic or “animalistic” (asocial, dangerous, etc.) body. The following analogy holds: vital soul:shadow-soul::ancestor:animal(-enemy)::light:dark::beautified:ugly.

We ought to add life/death, since the very distinction concerns the vital soul which encapsulates and makes visible the vital energy that passes through the cosmos, versus the shadow-soul which stands for the possibility of its loss. Vital soul and shadow-soul are both “souls” because they refer outside the person - the soul is an operator of differentiation. The soul is a relation to an other being, but when one is that being, what was a soul appears as a body. The relational character of the soul is expressed in the idea that the soul is an image, whose difference from its referent itself codes the differential relation at play. Often it is as if the image ‘hovers’ outside of oneself.

Thus, the soul might refer either to that animal component within oneself (but which is simultaneously “other”) that is mortal and destined-to-die or itself demonic, an agent of death, or to an immortal ancestor that one is also destined to become. So in fact the two souls correspond to two types of bodies, a beautified, vibrant, immortal, ancestral body (vital soul), or a demonic, dark, deathly, mortal animal(istic) body (shadow-soul).

The opposition soul/body is thus expanded into a four-term system of two souls and two bodies. Where does this leave “monoculture,” if we no longer have ‘a single type of soul’? At least in Northwest Amazonia, “animism” is indisputable: other beings and collectives may ‘appear as human’ or ‘see-themselves-as-human,’ though particularly, I would stress, in the contexts of ritual activity. The shaman visits the animals and sees them as human during their rituals and dances where they appear in beautiful ornaments. In donning those ornaments the animals seem to become their own prototypes, itself marked out by the specific patterns they wear, which themselves correspond to their pelts (in animal form).  Since it is often said that animals both celebrate Yurupary ritual (ancestral rites, where people “become the ancestors”) and funeral rites, it would seem that we would have to understand animals as instantiating the same duality as humans: i.e. animals both live and die, and both have shadow-souls and ornament-souls.

Thus, this can also be imagined as a three-term system in which a ‘person’ (human or non-human in conventional sense) is ‘in-between’ both immortals and demons, vital soul and shadow-soul. Every being participates in this three-term system. In this sense we can accept “monoculture” - every being has culture - but not “multinaturalism,” if this would mean that there are a multiplicity of bodies (in relevant contrast to a single type of soul). More simply, soul/body no longer straightforwardly line up with culture/nature. Culture does still seem to have a “deictic” meaning, however, corresponding with the ‘us’ position of my own collective, as in Viveiros de Castro’s theory. Divergent perspectives still have to do with differential positioning in the eco-system, but are not exactly about having a distinct body.

The relevant point is the way a single life-force flows throughout the universe, while different beings are differentially positioned in terms of the capture and exchange of this life-force, thus in potentially antagonistic relations to each other: the life of one might mean the death of the other. Since these relations are intrinsic to persons (human or non-human in conventional sense), each person radiates out two kinds of souls, pointers to distinct ‘others,’ those immortals that endow them with life, or those “animals”(/enemies) (here, still, a relational position) that would cause them death.

Now, I do not think that the animal body will retain the priority here of signifying ‘the Other’ as it does in EVC’s system. Viveiros de Castro accepts a third-term, supernature, which would somewhat ambiguously refer to “spirits” or “spirits of the dead” but, at least in Cannibal Metaphysics, holds that the third term is ultimately derivative of the animal position. Human-like ancestral or immortal beings, he holds, ultimately derive from the position of animals (Viveiros de Castro 2009).

My claim is that self/other will no longer really correspond to human/animal, if by that we mean a human or animal body (I’m primarily thinking in terms of shape but this would include “affect”). Amongst the Desana for example many different animals, especially those who have a yellowy-white body-surface are considered “the Sun’s representatives” (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1972). These beings, allied with the Sun who is the ancestor of the Desana, the “people of day” (Ibid.), are protectors of humans, essentially allied with them. These beings thus cannot be placed in ‘the Other’ or “enemy” position, even though they take on animal bodies. The same seems to be at play in the taking on of totemic emblems by Northwest Amazonian groups, for whom at death one often in fact takes the form of the totemic animal of the phratry, a vital soul, since it inhabits the immortal ancestral realm, but in animal form. One could maybe read this as a “totemic” element mixing with an “animic” ontology, in Descola’s terms, i.e. a case of direct resemblances being posited between humans and animals (or simple homologies, if we take Lévi-Strauss’s version of totemism) combined with, in another contexts, a relation of distinction between distinct kinds of physicality but “a single type of interiority.” However, given all that I’ve said, it seems more likely that we cannot really take this as an emic distinction. Rather, these protector animals and totemic animals are defined in relation to the ‘self’ because they relate to the self’s store of life-force, and are thus in consonance with the vital soul, while ‘others’ could take either human or animal form, such as dark, dangerous animals or human-shaped demons who threaten one’s own life.

Lastly, it will be noticed that to be on the vital-side does not require one to be a predator or a prey, and on the deathly side, the Other might be both prey or predator, a prey that may be killed and thus stands for the mortal body, or a predator who takes ones own life. Both might be dark shadow-souls. There are both solar, protector jaguars (self) and dark, jaguar demons (other), human conassociates (self) and human-shaped demons (other). Predator/prey does not correspond to human/animal as analogue of self/other: rather, becoming a predator oneself is just one way to stay “human” in the sense of preserving one’s life-energy. Most of all, self/other corresponds to light/dark, life/death.

Part 2, on Viveiros de Castro’s Deleuzianism

 

The Desana Master of Animals, in dark, yet “human” form (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1972)

The Desana Master of Animals, in dark, yet “human” form (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1972)

Emanationism & Dialectics in Northwest Amazonia

A brief summary of some of my recent research into Northwest Amazonian cosmologies.

  • In Northwest Amazonia, light-energy emanates from the Primal Sun and circulates throughout the cosmos. The Primal Sun is an abstract entity, sometimes imagined as a kind of formless multiplicity of radiating lights, who only ‘manifests’ himself as the physical sun and moon, understood as his body or ‘shadow-image.’

  • This duality of Sun and Moon is, nonetheless, basic to the Primal Sun: if he emanates a ethereal light-energy as the Sun, he produces a dark liquid as the Moon, the flow of menstruation, which composes the gross animal body.

  • Everything is made out of light, for light is itself a substance, either more ethereal or gross.

  • The Primal Sun’s emanation may take on a gradational hierarchy, in Neo-Platonist fashion, framed in terms of a continuum of color. The ‘highest’ gradation is a yellow-white color and which stands for the most abstract dimension of the Primal Sun’s force. It differentiates into orangey reds and brown and ultimately black, in such a way that the ‘divided line’ of the Sun/Moon cuts across the gradational hierarchy.

  • The duality of Sun/Moon is intrinsic to every person and essentially every being. In myths, it can be shown that every single character is homologous to the sun and moon, either as a single character (such as Venus, who is both morning star and evening star), or as a pair (such as two brothers, sisters, etc.). The dual essence of the Primal Sun is “fractally” replicated throughout the Northwest Amazonian cosmos.

  • Dialectics concerns the shifting relations of symmetry and asymmetry in terms of relations of energy-exchange within the cosmopolitical economy of vitality. These shifting relations nonetheless self-articulate a sole duality each time, that of the Primal Sun, itself the structure of the person.

  • Absolute thought is mythic thought, whose formal structure realizes that of person and cosmos in identical terms, a thinking absolutely continuous with its own object.

Keori image-forms composed out of the light-energy of the Sun (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1978)

Keori image-forms composed out of the light-energy of the Sun (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1978)

The Voice of Thunder and the Steps of Yu: A Comparative Ontology of Amazonian and Daoist Religion

Artifacts of the South American Barrancoid culture, possible representatives of the ancient Arawakans.

Artifacts of the South American Barrancoid culture, possible representatives of the ancient Arawakans.

  In the second volume of his Mythologiques series, Claude Lévi-Strauss proposed a comparison between the ancient Chinese legend of Emperor Yu, who is maimed and limps due to his efforts in controlling the flood, and data from across Americas related to a practice known as “the limping dance,” connected with rites of periodicity and seasonal change. It is worth taking up this comparison again, especially given the role the limping dance seems to have had in ancient shamanic practices that may have been integrated into the Daoist traditions of Ge Hong, the Shangqing, the Lingbao, and others (Granet 1925).  A recent study by Alexander Korotayev et. al (Korotayev et al. 2017) provides a historical motivation for the project. Based on statistical correlations between the distribution of certain mythic motifs and gene-types, Korotayev et al. argue that the earliest waves of migration into the Americas may have originated from a proto-culture based on the coasts of South China and Southeast Asia, at least 40,000 years BP, explaining the many shared cultural traits of the Amazonian and Melanesian regions (‘Melazonia’) as an archaic inheritance (as well as in Australia, given the appearance there also of the unmistakable “cult of the bullroarer”). The existence of a South Chinese or Southeast Asian proto-culture suggests that there may be other “inheritances” inhabiting the Chinese tradition that survive in the shamanism-influenced practices of ancient Daoism, such as the Steps of Yu.

N.J Girardot has argued persuasively for a Southeastern origin to a set of mythic themes and images pervasive through early Daoism surrounding the concept of hundun or chaos and linked to the sound of thunder. Hundun is a mythic ontology of cosmogonic reversal, a “return to the One” by means of the mediating third, the closed state of Emperor Hundun in the Zhuangzi whose body diagrams the cosmic gourd or mountain/axis mundi (Girardot 1983). Features of Amazonian shamanic practice and ritual, I will show, also demonstrate an ontology of cosmogonic reversal and the synthesis of opposites, and develop comparable images of container, gourd, mountain, tree, and snake as diagrams of the human body. Most importantly, it develops the potent ambiguity of thunder, as the synthesis of light and dark, dry and wet, fire and water, (what the Daoists would call yin and yang)[1] and whose voice manifests in the bullroarer or trumpet used at masculine initiation rites, a rumbling noise that replicates the sound of hundun and achieves a form of fusion similar to Yu’s Step. I focus on the Northwest Amazonian region, only briefly treated by Lévi-Strauss in his Mythologiques, thus allowing me to present new analyses. 

It is necessary to begin the comparison attempted here by first explaining how Lévi-Strauss was led to link elements of Amazonian mythic thought to the Chinese myth of Yu. One figure that replicates Yu is the Bororo character of Bokodori, a limping personage who is responsible for resuscitating many of the Bororo ancestors with his singing and drum-playing, after they just have been thrown into a whirlpool by the sun-god Meri. However, he only resuscitates some of the ancestors, an operation which gives rise to many of the physical differences between distinct Bororo clans or social groups as they emerge from the waters. In a separate myth, it is Bokodori who kills many returning villagers when they do not present him with an adequate amount of ornaments as gifts: those that are left are at the source of the contemporary set of ornaments or emblems as ritual property that define the distinct Bororo clans. Bokodori, in both myths, effects a “reduction” - linked to death - that allows the transition from an excessive quantity of elements in which categorical distinctions would otherwise blur together, i.e the continuous, to a diminished quantity in which the “cultural order” of distinctions can be conceptualized, the discrete (Lévi-Strauss 1964: 35-63). 

Bokodori is thus a “hinge” figure and a means of transition in the passage from “nature” to “culture,” from the mythic past of chaos to the present of civilizational order, as Girardot argues is the case for the ancient Chinese figures of Yu, Huangdi, Nuwa, and Yi[2] (Girardot 1983: 157-161). He is, like Yu, a limping figure and drum-player (Lévi-Strauss 1966: 462-463), survivor of the flood/drought, and a controller of waters. Lévi-Strauss will argue that Bokodori is a structural transformation of Gueriguiguiatugo, the Bororo hero of the “key myth” of the Mythologiques series, who is at the origin of thunderstorms, and through the course of the myth acquires the Gourd-Rattle from the land of the dead (Lévi-Strauss 1964: 35-37), the shamanic accoutrement that throughout Amazonia is used to control, abate, or produce thunder.

            Throughout Amazonia, the shaman shakes the Gourd-Rattle while entering an ecstatic trance in which he ascends to the heavens and controls the forces of cosmic periodicity. He officiates at rituals that maintain the cycles of seasonal change and transition, avoiding the inertia of an endless day, summer, or drought, “the burnt world,” or otherwise an endless night, “the long night of the rotten” (Lévi-Strauss 1964: 319-415). The shaman is a figure of ambiguity and mediation for he both has mastery over the demons so as to protect his fellow humans but also may transform into the jaguar, whose roar is like the sound of thunder. It is interesting to refer to Johannes Wilbert’s discussion of the symbolism of the Gourd-Rattle amongst the Warao, a tribe of the Orinoco Delta, as a “core symbol” of shamanic thinking. Wilbert argues that the gourd-rattle synthesizes the differentiated forms of round body and elongated handle, womb and phallus, female and male, and expresses a unity of opposites (Wilbert 1993).[3]

In Ge Hong’s Baopuzi, the “Far Roaming” poem, Shangqing texts, and Daoist poetry such as “Pacing the Void,” Yu’s step is connected to a tracing out of cosmic periodicity in the shape of the Big Dipper (Robinet 1997: 143-144), a form which combines a round or rhomboid shape at the center, with a moving elongate pointer that traces out the cardinal directions and the cycles of time, a unity of round and long that recalls the Gourd-Rattle. The Daoist adept ascends to the sky and joins with the Dao by uniting ying and yang elements or modalities of qi, such as inhaling both solar and lunar luminescences, and enters into a state of fusion with the Dao as he copies or traces the movements of the Dipper at the very origin of spatio-temporal differentiation. The Steps of Yu effect a “return to the One” that passes through the mediating third for the Shangqing texts that emphasize the harmonization of the “Three Primordials” in the body, the three “cinnabar fields” or furnaces, as the body emerges as a microcosm of the cosmos (Ibid: 114-183, Robson 2015: 298-305). The three are fused ultimately in the head, the top-and-center, like the synthesis of opposites in the center of the Big Dipper in the heavens, who is associated with Huangdi, the Yellow Emperor of the Center.

The Big Dipper appears to be directly linked to the gourd, in fact. In “Far Roaming,” the rhomboid part of the Dipper is referred to as a ladle (Kroll 1996), which reminds one of the scene in the Zhuangzi where Huizi tries to use a giant gourd as a ladle (Robson 2015: 101).[4] The long form that protrudes from the round or rhomboid shape, in addition, recalls the funnel of the lagenaria gourd and the fact that the gourd is a vine plant.[5] Girardot mentions Southern traditions that compare the head with a top-knot to the lagenaria gourd shape (Girardot 1988: 173-183), which would be relevant here given that the place of the Big Dipper is mapped onto the head of the body (Robinet 1997: 114-148).[6] The fact that the Big Dipper is a manifestation of Huangdi as the Yellow Emperor of the Center reminds one also of Emperor Hundun himself who occupies the center between Hu and Shu of North and South (whose names are linked to thunder and lightning, Girardot argues) and whose “closed” condition prior to Hu and Shu’s piercing of holes replicates the gourd[7] (Girardot 1983: 61-89).

In the episode from the Zhuangzi, Huizi fails to use the gourd as a ladle because it is too large, reminding one of connotations of cosmic “vastness” in the Zhuangzi (such as the Peng bird’s flight across the world (Robson 2015: 98-99) or the Yellow River’s journey to the ocean) related perhaps to journeying through the cosmos. The problem is Huizi is too attached to its “usefulness” and does not know to treat the gourd rather as boat upon which to aimlessly float upon the waters. This last image is linked to the gourd-as-boat (or drum-as-boat) and escape from the flood that Girardot shows to derive from Southern Chinese and Austronesian myths (Girardot 1983: 135-165). The connotation of cosmic voyaging is like shamanic roaming itself which involves joining with the Big Dipper. Joining with the Big Dipper is thus like entering the boat, keeping in mind that the gourd is not only the boat by which one escapes the flood, but itself should be understood as signaling a chaos condition like the flood or thunder itself in which opposites merge (Ibid: 17-34).[8] Finally, the very ambiguity of the boat-as-flood reminds one of the ambiguous powers of Yu or Bokodori and the Amazonian shamans who both control and produce floods, who both master demons and transform into them, using the Gourd-Rattle, whose round-part is often depicted as a head or receives a design like a face. The Gourd-Rattle as a percussion instrument is linked to the drum which Bokodori uses to revive the ancestors. Is this not also how Zhuangzi acted at his wife’s funeral as he absurdly and noisily banged his drum, knowing that death was but part of cosmic periodicity, thus in a sense reversible like the temporality of periodicity itself, and thus that we shouldn’t take it too seriously?

             Before exploring how these themes are realized in Northwest Amazonian thought and practice, I return briefly to theme of death and its relation to initiation. At stake is how cosmogonic reversal occurs as an overcoming of death, given that death acts as a mediatory and transitional term in the passage from continuous to discrete, as revealed in the Bororo figure of Bokodori. Within Amazonia, as well as other tribal cultures, initiation is compared to a kind of death in the passage into a “liminal” stage of experience, a sacred state of Being in contact with original, mythic realities. In the Gueriguiguiatugo myth of the origin of thunderstorms and the acquiring of the Gourd-Rattle, the initiatory theme is present in Gueriguiguiatugo’s refusal to leave his mother’s house and to sleep in the men’s house in the center of the village, the place of initiation. He refuses to accept the separation from the mother, an attitude realized in his very act of incest with the mother. It is at that point that his father drives him off the land of the dead in order to retrieve the Gourd-Rattle as he expects him never to return and thus to accomplish revenge against his son.

            The theme of initiatory death emerges in the “Far Roaming” poem at the moment in which the voyager looks back to his family on earth and is stopped in his travels a brief moment, before mustering the effort to continue his roaming. It also appears in Ge Hong’s hagiographic tales that tell the story of young boys who departed from their families and learned to practice the method of “leaving the corpse,” as they pretend to die to their mothers while later replacing their corpse with a metonymic substitute for their body (Robinet 1997: 78-113), revealing themselves to have been alive all along, and their newfound immortality. These stories emphasize the ultimate separation from the ‘maternal fold’ as the boys instead learn to join with the Dao as perhaps a kind of cosmic mother. 

            If joining with the Dao in many ways seems to have associations with a kind of return to the womb (or the inside of the Dipper gourd), a return to state of infancy, joining with “the mother of heaven and earth” as the Dao De Jing describes the Dao, then, this is paradoxical kind of initiation. The Daoist adept must separate from the maternal fold in order to reenter a cosmic mother of a higher order.[9] The paradoxical initiation speaks to the way that Daoists, while rejecting at some level the civilizational order of Confucian hierarchy and distinction, also aimed to create their own counter-order of concretely realized institutions patterned on the Dao, most in evidence in the Tianshi or Celestial Masters tradition where Laozi has become a ruler imparting precepts and laws to the religious community at Hanzhong (Robson 2015: 247-256). As I argue below, Northwest Amazonian ritual is part of an “eternal return” or creatio continua that diagrams seasonal transition and aims to fuse with cosmic periodicity that attains a condition of immortality in its own institualized, social form. The Northwest Amazonian initiation ritual is a periodically enacted rite that effects the cosmogonic reversal brought about by the Steps of Yu which serve to join the Daoist adept with the Dipper.[10]

            Through Northwest Amazonia, the societies of the region practice the so-called Yurupary rite, a masculine initiation ritual and sacred flute cult that is linked to similar rituals known throughout Melanesia and Australia.  In Northwest Amazonia, these rites are generally performed during times of seasonal transition from the dry season to the wet season; young boys’ penises are “opened” like the flow of sound passing through the flutes, or the rain that pours from the sky, as a form of  “male menstruation.” During liminal transition, the boys “die,” and the flutes - which represent the ancestors themselves - are taken from under the waters where they are hidden during the rest of the year.  The rite operates an inversion between the living and the dead, where young boys die to be replaced by ancient ancestors that emerge into the world of the living for the duration of the ritual.

            At the nodal point between dry and wet season, the initiates experience the mythic past as the participants “become the ancestors” as they dress in ritual ornamentation and play the sacred flutes that are the ancestors themselves. At the same time, these flutes should be understood as part of the sacred ritual property of a given clan and are like the feather headdress and distinct set of names that define clan-belonging. The names of a clan are recycled every other generation such that children take on names of their grandfathers, a cyclical rebirth. At death, the vital soul goes to inhabit the underwater houses of the rivers that are the places of ancestral emergence. Through the bestowal of the name upon newborn children, the ancestor’s soul is reborn from this pool to enter into the child. The cycling of names determines a periodic inversion of living and dead as a mode of “ancestor reincarnation” that realizes an intergenerational immortality.[11] Though the individual must die, the social essence of the individual is maintained as vital energy is circulated between the realms of living and dead.

            Christine Hugh-Jones and Stephen Hugh-Jones have both shown that the problematic of immortality is also at play in the initiation rite (C. Hugh-Jones 1979, S. Hugh-Jones 1979). The feminine capacity for menstruation is a snake-like power to shed the skin and to periodically regenerate which is simulated in the “opening” of flutes and boys. In an important myth, evidenced elsewhere in Amazonia (and throughout Melanesia, one of the key points of convergence between the two regions in terms of mythology), humans lose their immortality after refusing to taste the beeswax gourd(=womb) of Romi Kumu or Woman Shaman, whereas the snakes are not so ill-disposed and thereby acquire the power of regeneration instead of man.  In another version, humans lose immortality because they fail to heed the call of Warimi, Romi Kumu’s son, who elsewhere appears as the rainbow, a variant of the rainbow-snake that controls thunder (Tavestin 1925).[12] The theme of the snake’s power to regenerate thus shows how the cyclic inversion of states of life and death is itself a form of immortality, what Zhuangzi understood as he thunderously beat his drum at his own wife’s funeral. In the Yurupary rite, young men are made to menstruate and thus to approximate the snake-like power of periodicity. Finally, the periodic performance of the ritual diagrams the periodicity of dry and wet seasons, an oscillation of openness and closure and a synthesis of opposites. The eternal return of cosmic periodicity is replicated in the eternal return of the ritual which ensures immortality as the very cyclicity of life and death in the continuity of the descent group in its names, ancestral flutes, and other ritual property.

            The Tukanoan tribes of the Northwest Amazon believe that their ancestors ascended upriver in so many anaconda snake-canoes that were at the origin of the differentiated clans. These anacondas created the rivers - or were the rivers - and the linear organization of the clans (both geographically and in terms of hierarchical ranking) replicates the segmentation of the anaconda’s bones as the ancestors first emerged on to land, adorned in feather ornaments, or appearing as colorful birds. The emergence of the ancestors as birds reminds one of the myth, present elsewhere in Amazonia, of the birds who tear apart the body of the rainbow-snake and from its pieces acquire their distinctive plumage. In some versions, the different kinds of feathers are referred to as “flutes,” which reminds one of the segmented bones of the anaconda as the sacred flutes.  The anacondas are thought to have emerged upriver during the wet season, as today do swarms of fish during the spawning period, exactly when the Yurupary rites are held. The passage from fish to birds is homologous to a change of wet to dry, and from soft, fluid, aquatic, underworld qualities, and a fusion inside the maternal and womb-like(=gourd-like) container of the snake-canoe[13] to the segmented, hard, dry, solar, bones of birds and durable ornaments of the patrilineal descent group, undeniably a synthesis of “yin” and “yang” qualities at the point of transition.

            The division of the anaconda’s body effects the passage from continuous to discrete that Lévi-Strauss linked to the figure of Bokodori - a version of emperor Yu - as well as to the rainbow-snake. Lévi-Strauss argues that the rainbow represents continuity, since the “short intervals” of the rainbow’s series of colors suggest the possibility of indifferentiation, fusion, and chaos. Girardot develops a similar theme in his discussion of the cosmic giant Pangu that is torn apart to create the universe. Pangu, Girardot argues, is a version of the Southeast Asian tradition of Panhu, the dog-man, or animal ancestor (sometimes a tiger-girl), who is associated with caves and thunder. The dog-man or animal ancestor in addition replaces a gourd-child in certain myths where the child is cut up in order to create the first people (Girardot 1983: 166-201). In turn, the cutting up of the gourd-child, Girardot argues, recalls Emperor Hundun’s being pierced with holes as the transition from the chaos time to the time of cultural degradation and distinction.

            The theme of corporeal division, segmentation, piercing, or cutting as a passage from the mythic past of fusion to the contemporary realm of distinction appears in multiple ways in Northwest Amazonia, not solely in the image of the anaconda snake-canoe (or “dragon-boat”). The Desana believe that the origin of yajé (ayahausca) derives from the child, Yajé boy, who was cut into pieces by the first ancestors, accounting for the distinct types of Yajé that correspond to different social groups. Yajé boy replicates his mother, the Daughter of the Sun, who in this myth is called Yajé Woman or elsewhere Vine Woman. She is a version of the gourd-like Woman Shaman of the Barasana, who both appear as “vegetal” people.  The vine as an elongate form is specifically compared to the child’s umbilical cord, which must be “cut” by the first ancestors (recalling the separation from the mother theme), which, in fact, connects the child to the mother and her womb, thus implying that the child’s preseparated state - in which he is fused with the mother - is also a synthesis of round and long forms like the Dipper or Gourd-Rattle, as I explored above. The way in which Yajé boy replicates his mother, Yajé Woman or the Daughter of the Sun, is like the way Warimi replicates Woman Shaman amongst the Barasana in alternate myths, and points to the fusion of mother and child not only in the content but in the form of myth.

Warimi appears as the rainbow and is thus latently the rainbow-snake, while the ayahuasca vine is also compared the anaconda. In the Cubeo version of the Yajé boy myth, the infant explicitly appears as an anaconda, and the Cubeo say that the anaconda is like an infant, and that the ancestors were in a kind of state of infancy when they were inside the anaconda-canoe(=womb). Returning to the vegetal theme, it is necessary to recall certain versions in which the mother of Yajé boy, Warimi, or Yurupary is without a hole for a vagina and must first be pierced before she can give birth to the child. In other versions, she is herself a “wooden bride” constructed from a tree (Lévi-Strauss 1966: 223-226). This theme recalls the “anusless beings” who are present in South American folktales as well as Southeast Asian ones and linked to Emperor Hundun. When Yurupary is thrown on the fire and burned to death by his father, he is reborn as a paxiuba palm tree (a hollow tree that bulges in the middle, like a full anaconda) that connects the sky and earth as an axis mundi[14] (the act is itself a synthesis of fire and water, since Yurupary tells his father, the sun,[15] that “only fire can kill him,” for he is a water-being in his association with rivers, menstrual flows, and the rains). It is from this tree that flutes are cut and constructed, and must be cut in order to usher in the phase of civilization, like the cutting of the umbilical cord of Yajé boy or the piercing of the “wooden bride,” or Emperor Hundun. Amongst the Tukanoans, Yurupary generally appears as an anaconda, like the snake-canoes, but also has tapir, jaguar, or monkey features (the monkey features are particularly in evidence amongst the Arawak), showing that he is also a hybrid and protean “animal-ancestor” (Girardot 1983: 183-98), coming full circle back to the Southeast Asian Panhu theme analyzed by Girardot.

            Throughout Amazonia, Melanesia, and Australia the bull-roarer used in initiation cults is compared to a fish or snake (Baal 1963). The sound of the bull-roarer is the rumbling, droning, or buzzing voice of thunder, like the sound of Hundun or Yu, Zhuangzi, or Bokodori’s banging of a drum. In Northwest Amazonia, the bull-roarer is not used, but the enormous trumpet that the Arawak call the “jaguar-bone flute” takes its place as the roar that imitates thunder. Reichel-Dolmatoff interprets this sound as the threatening sound of the punishment against incest (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1974), an interpretation which resonates with analyses of bullroarer cults in Melanesia and Australia (Herdt 1984). This confirms again the role of the bullroarer cult in the transition from out of the maternal fold or incestuous condition into the civilizational order. At the same time, thunder is its own “fusional” synthesis of opposites such that initiation ritual, in appropriating the power of the flutes, in fact retains the state of the chaos-condition even as the initiates separate from the maternal fold.

  I would argue that the ambiguity of thunder is linked to the way thunder combines the dark rain-cloud that blots out the sky with lightning as brightness and fire. The notion of thunder as synthesis of light and dark, fire and water, “yin” and “yang” elements, can be confirmed through an analysis of Northwest Amazonian mythology that demonstrates an internal duality to thunder as homologous with the distinction between sun and moon (and consequently day/night, dry/wet season). In the Barasana myth of Warimi, Warimi’s mother is fertilized by the thunders. Warimi’s mother, a version of Woman Shaman, is the Pleaides, an internally dual constellation since it not only heralds the dry season through its appearance, but the wet season through its disappearance (Lévi-Strauss 1966). Woman Shaman’s equivalent amongst the Desana is the Daughter of the Sun, whom Reichel-Dolmatoff suggests is Venus, who demonstrates a similar duality as she appears either as the morning star (associated with the sun), or the evening star (associated with the moon) (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1978). The same duality undergirds her status as the wife of the sun, whom his brother, the moon, nonetheless tries to steal. At the same time, the sun and the moon are understood to be two manifestations of the same person (a common idea in Amazonia, (Lévi-Strauss 1967)), such that the incident is also understood as the incest of the sun with his own daughter, of which the roar of the trumpet during the Yurupary rite is a reminder and threat of punishment should the crime of incest be repeated.

            The Daughter of the Sun, as Venus, is thus an internally dual woman between two men, who are themselves really one figure. The theme of the woman between two men appears in a different Barasana myth in which Manioc-stick Anaconda (a version of the moon) attempts to steal the wife of Old Macaw (a version of the sun) (which incidentally confirms that the opposition fish/birds, water/sky, below/above is homologous to sun/moon, day/night). In the Cubeo myth of Yajé boy, instead of two men and one woman, there are two women and one man, and it is now the man who is Venus. One of the women is “beautiful” and the other “ordinary,” an opposition which elsewhere is used to code the difference in light or darkness between the sun and the moon (Lévi-Strauss 1968, Goldman 2004). In the Desana Yajé boy myth, as well as the Arawak myths of Kuwai, it is the sun who is the father, instead of thunder. Whether the father, mother, or the child represents thunder, Venus, Pleaides, or Sun/Moon it is clear that in each case we are dealing with internally or externally dual figures, and thunder must be included in this set as homologous with the oppositions of light/dark, fire/water, dry/wet that structures the series.

            There is more direct evidence for concept of thunder as a synthesis of “yin” and “yang” qualities. The Arawakan Baniwa understand that in the beginning of time a chaotic battle took place between Iaperikuli, the primal sun, and the eenunai, the thunders, who appear as monkeys and other tree-dwelling beings. The chief of the eenunai, Dzauiwkapa, in particular, is the night monkey who is a paradigmatic omen of death and darkness. The Baniwa figure of Yurupary, called Kuwai, in many ways replicates Dzauiwkapa at a later cosmogonic stage, and himself appears as the sloth but also has a “jaguar’s mouth”[16] (Wright 1998). Dmitri Karadimas, basing himself on an analysis of a number of Andean funerary cloths as well as Mirana myths - a Witotan group of the southern region of the Northwest Amazon - argues that the night-monkey has jaguar-esque features related to its eyes which shine through the darkness. In addition, he argues for a relation between the night-monkey and the outer four stars of Orion (Karadimas 2016). In a Tecuna myth, an enormous tree which connects sky and earth blotted out the sky, until it was pierced with holes, revealing stars which shine through it like eyes (Nimuendaju 1952). A Desana myth tells of how humans acquired shiny copper earings from a dark-haired jaguar-esque figure and Thunder being who has hence been rendered harmless since his loss of the copper earings. However, the fire can still be seen within his eyes (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1975). The last part of this myth reminds one of a Kayapo myth analyzed by Lévi-Strauss, in which the jaguar loses cooking fire to man, but the fire can still be seen in his eyes. This cooking fire is itself a terrestrial and human version of the fire of the sun, with which humans cooked their food before the acquisition of cooking fire and when the sky and earth were closer together (i.e the condition of the “long day” or “burnt world”) (Lévi-Strauss 1964). All these connections suggest that lightning, the light that accompanies dark thunderstorms, can be assimilated to either the fire of the sun, or of stars, which shine through the night, or through the canopy which blots out the sky like a thundercloud.

The image of a great tree that blots out the sky reminds one of the enormous gnarled tree that makes its appearance in the Zhuangzi, an image not discussed by Girardot. The giant tree spreads in all four directions and seems to cover the sky. It as “vast” as the journey of the Peng bird, who was first a fish below but roamed as a bird above, or the passage of the Yellow River God to the Western sea (Robson 2015). Unlike Huizi who did not know to use a gourd as a boat, the gnarled tree knows how to be “useless,” and it is in this way that he avoids being ‘cut up’ and thus retains the closed condition of Emperor Hundun, the synthetic unity of thunder (Hu) and lightning (Shu) (Girardot 1998). The Shangqing visionaries could also acquire this condition by supping lunar and solar beams, binding yin and yang elements, and combining the three-fold cinnabar fields and the Three Luminescent Ones. Visualizations which unfold a glimmering multiplicity of colors and lights, they remind one of the rainbow and its “short series” of distinctions that paradoxically intensifies multiplicity in its movement to indifferentation and continuity, a primal experience of the One. Not only a multiplicity of visions, but of sounds, and fragrances that themselves seem to fuse, a synesthetic melding of the senses themselves, just like Yajé boy’s cries which were both music and beautiful images expressing the light of the sun (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1985). These same hallucinatory images are for the Cubeo ornaments or “macaw feathers” (Goldman 2004) like the “feathered cape” which the Shangqing visionaries aimed to acquire, perhaps grounded in the shamanic traditions of Southeast Asia. To have ancestral jade bones and to wear the feather cape, to be a dragon of the waters and an ascending solar bird, to be the Peng bird, the dragon-boat, soaring through the skies, the god of the Yellow River? We have begun to move in circles, or spirals, like Bokodori’s whirlpool…

            In this article, I have tried to show the connection between the Daoist mythic ontology of cosmogonic reversal and practices of Amazonian shamanism and ritual. I connected the Steps of Yu and the Big Dipper to the shamanic Gourd-Rattle, and also showed how the cult of the Yurupary flutes replicated the sound and imagery of thunder in the Hundun complex of mythic imagery, analyzed by Girardot. I have tried to “compare comparisons” and to locate the homologies that exist between Amazonian and Daoist analogical systems of thought (Stengers 2005). At the same time, I have tried to give historical, and not merely structural, motivations for these connections by taking off from the statistical work of Korayatev et. al. The cult of the bullroarer is most likely an inheritance that goes back to a Southern Chinese or a Southeastern proto-culture or proto-ontology at least 40,000 years BP (Korayetev et al. 2005). Whereas the cult of the bullroarer is preserved in Melanesia, Australia, and Amazonia but not on the Asian mainland, there is every reason to believe that the ontology of thunder that links gourds, floods, snakes, boats, mountains, and the synthesis of “yin and “yang,” is an inheritance common to Amazonia and Ancient Chinese Daoism.

 

References:

 

Baal, J. Van (1963). “The Cult of the Bullroarer in Australia and Southern New Guinea” Bijdr. Taal-, Land - Volkenek. 119: 201-14.

Girardot, N.J (1988). Myth and Meaning in Early Daoism: The Theme of Chaos (Hundun). University of California Press.

Goldman, Irving (2004). Cubeo Hehenewa Religious Thought: Metaphysics of a Northwest Amazonian People. Columbia University Press, New York.

Granet, Marcel (1925). “Remarks on Ancient Daoism.” Asia Major.

Herdt, Gilbert ed. Ritualized Homosexuality in Melanesia (Studies in Melanesian Anthropology), Berkeley, University of California Press.

Hugh-Jones, Stephen (1979). The Palm and the Pleiades: Initiation and Cosmology in Northwest Amazonia. University of Cambridge Press, Cambridge, UK.

Hugh-Jones, Stephen (2015). “The Pleaides and Scorpius in Barasana Cosmology” Journal of Skyscape Archaeology, 1(1): 113-126.

Hugh-Jones, Stephen (2017). “Body Tubes and Synesthesia.” Mundo Amazonico. 8(1): 27-81.

Juillerat, Bernard (1992). Shooting the Sun: Ritual and Meaning in the West Sepik. Washington DC, Smithsonian Institute Press.

Korotayev, Andrey V.; Berezkin, Yuri E.; A. Borinskaya, Svetlana; Davletshin, Albert I. and. Khaltourina, Albert I (2015). “Genes and Myths: Which Genes and Myths did the Different Waves of the Peopling of Americas Bring to the New World?” History & Mathematics: Economy, Demography, Culture, and Cosmic Civilizations: 9–77.

Kroll, Paul W (1996). “On ‘Far Roaming.’” Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. 116, no. 4: 643-669.

 Karadimas, Dmitri (2016). “Monkeys, Wasps, and Gods: Graphic Perspectives on Middle Horizon and later Pre-Hispanic Painted Funerary Textiles from the Peruvian Coast.” Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos URL : http://nuevomundo.revues.org/69281 ; DOI : 10.4000/nuevomundo.69281.

 Lehmann-Nietzsche, R. (1924). “La Constelación de la Osa Mayor’, R M D L P, t. 28 (third series, t. 4). Buenos Aires.

 Lévi-Strauss, Claude (1962). The Savage Mind. Chicago, University of Chicago Press

 Lévi-Strauss, Claude (1964). The Raw and the Cooked: Introduction to a Science of Mythology: I.  Chicago, University of Chicago Press.

 Lévi-Strauss, Claude (1966). From Honey to Ashes. New York, Harper & Row.

 Lévi-Strauss, Claude (1967) “Le Sexe Des Astres.” For Roman Jakobson II, Paris: Mouton.

 Lévi-Strauss, Claude (1968). The Origin of Table Manners. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago.

 Nimuendaju, Carl (1952). The Tukuna. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 45. Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press.

 Reichel-Dolmatoff, Gerardo (1974). Amazonian Cosmos: The Sexual and Religious Symbolism of the Tukano Indians. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.

 Reichel-Dolmatoff, Gerardo (1975). The Shaman and the Jaguar: A Study of Narcotic Drugs Among the Indians of Colombia. Philadelphia, Temple University Press.

 Reichel-Dolmatoff, Gerardo (1978). Beyond the Milky Way: Hallucinatory Imagery of the Tukano Indians. UCLA Latin American Center, Los Angeles.

 Reichel-Dolmatoff, Gerardo (1985). Basketry as Metaphor: Arts and Crafts of the Desana Indians of the Northwest Amazon. Los Angeles, Museum of Cultural History, University of California Press.

 Reichel-Dolmatoff, Gerardo (1990). Rainforest Shamans: Essays on the Tukano Indians of the Northwest Amazon. Themis Books, London.

 Robinet, Isabelle (1997). Taoism: Growth of a Religion, trans. Phyllis Brooks. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

 Robson, James ed (2015). The Norton Anthology of World Religions: Daoism (1st Edition). New York, W. W. Norton & Company.

 Roe, Peter (1982). The Cosmic Zygote: Cosmology in the Amazon Basin. New Brunswick, Rutgers University Press.

 Stengers, Isabelle (2005). “Introductory Notes on an Ecology of Practices.” Cultural Studies Review, Vol. 1.

 Tavestin, C. (1925). “La Légende de Boyusu en Amazonie.” Revue d’Ethnographie et des Traditions Populaires, no. 25. Paris.

 Viveiros De Castro, Eduardo (1992). From the Enemy's Point of View: Humanity and Divinity in an Amazonian Society. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

 Warner, Lloyd (1937). A Black Civilization: A Social Study of an Australian Tribe. New York, Harper Books.

 Wilbert, Johannes (1993). Mystic Endowment: Religious Ethnography of the Warao Indians. Harvard University Center for the Study of World Religions.

 Wright, Robin (1998). Cosmos, Self, and History in Baniwa Religion. Austin, University of Texas Press.

 

Footnotes:

[1] Indeed, the Amazonian “logic of sensory qualities” (Lévi-Strauss 1964) often seems to line up quite precisely with many of the associations of yin and yang, dry, hard, fiery, bright, light, male often being opposed to wet, soft, watery, dark, heavy, female. For more on this theme, see Roe 1982.

[2] Girardot only briefly mentions the myth of the archer Yi who shoots the nine of the original ten suns (Girardot 1983: 87) with his arrows in order to end the drought. The myth reminds one of both a Machiguenga myth (a tribe of the Peruvian Amazon) in which in the beginning of time an endless day persisted because of a multiplicity of suns that replaced each other at the end of each day, a situation that had to be ended for a balanced periodicity to take hold, and also of the widespread myth of the decapitated head of the sun or moon rising up into the sky which in a Mundurucu version is shot in the eye with an arrow as it rises. The myth also strikes me as linked to the incest of sun and moon myth which is distributed throughout the Americas (Lévi-Strauss 1964) as well as Melanesia and Australia. In the Eskimo version of the incest of the sun and moon myth, the sun cuts off her breast and gives it to the moon in response to the moon’s advances. A Melanesian ritual amongst the Yafar of the West Sepik region of New Guinea, analyzed by Bernard Juillerat, culminates with the initiate shooting an arrow in the direction of the sun, which stands for the mother’s breast (Juillerat 1992). All these connections suggest to me that the Yi myth is rooted in a mythic structure that belongs to the “proto-culture” at the source of Australian, Melanesian, and Amazonian mythic systems and that has resonances in Daoist thought and practice.

[3] Amongst the Arawaté, a Tupian tribe of the Xingu, the gourd-rattle, unlike other objects, is always constructed both by men and women who jointly contribute to the product (Viveiros De Castro 1992).

[4] The role of this incident in the story, in fact, suggests that this was a common usage of gourds (also Girardot 1988: 180).

[5] It is worth noting that the opposition round/long also plays a role in South American astronomies, where the Pleaides, a round form, is opposed to Orion’s belt, a long form, that is sometimes the culture hero’s chopped off leg (recall Yu or Bokodori’s limping condition) (Lévi-Strauss 1964:199-240).  In many parts of Amazonia, the year is divided into two halves (wet season and dry season) signaled by the Pleaides, on the one hand, and Scorpio, on the other, the latter a long and sinuous shape (Stephen Hugh-Jones 2015).

[6] The Tukanoan shamans of the Northwest Amazon often alternate between thinking of the universe as a gourd, a womb, or a head/brain within which transformative processes occur (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1978).

[7] The theme of “closing” and “opening” the body is absolutely fundamental to the entire Amazonian mythic system (Levi-Strauss 1964: 147-164, Stephen Hugh-Jones 2019) and is linked also to the theme of “anusless beings” present also in Southeast Asian and Austronesian mythology.

[8] In the Carribean area, as well as parts Central America, the Big Dipper is the night-time manifestation of the spirit of hurricanes and thunderstorms, and appears as a rainbow during the day (Lehmann-Nietzsche 1924). Below, I show how the rainbow-snake, who is a master of thunderstorms throughout Amazonia (as well as Australia), is also linked to a canoe or boat, and also to the gourd. The rainbow-snake is also a manifestation of Scorpio (Tavestin 1925), an elongate form, but its gourd-like features simultaneously endow it with roundness (for example, the anaconda who appears with a bulging belly as if pregnant after it has swallowed its prey). So the relation between the Big Dipper and the Amazonian Gourd-Rattle as connected to periodicity and thunder also has a direct equivalent in the Americas.

[9] The analysis is complicated  by the greater importance that seems to be given to the head in the Shangqing traditions as indicative of the place of heaven, though the head also appears as another “cinnabar field” like the belly (recall the Dao De Jing’s “belly knowledge”), as if we have simply a transposition or a unification of the two notions.

[10]In the Lingbao tradition, the Steps of Yu would play a key role in rituals that aimed at resuscitating the ancestral dead and attaining immortality for the living (Robinet 1997: 149-183).

[11] It is stunning the degree to which an identical notion exists in Australia. For the Yolngu of Northeast Arnhem Land, the souls of the ancestors inhabit sacred rock pools as fish and enter into the body of the child at birth. The kinship term of the grandfather replicates the name of the grandson, as in Northwest Amazonia, such that the pools are the sites of an “ancestor reincarnation” and soul-recycling. The Yolngu practice a secondary burial that involves depositing the ornamented bones of the ancestors in these pools, like the flutes(/ornaments) that are the bones of the ancestors and hidden under the waters in Northwest Amazonia. The rainbow-snake presides over these pools and it is his voice that is manifested in the bull-roarer used at initiation rites, the voice of thunder (Warner 1937).

[12] And that also appears as the constellation Scorpio (Ibid.).

[13] The snake-canoe is obviously a “dragon-boat” like the dragon-boat festivals of China and Southeast Asia which is also called the “dumpling festival,” reminding one of Girardot’s dumpling as gourd-boat theme.

[14] The mountains or rocky hills that the Tukanoans understand to bound the edges of the world and hold up the sky can also be referred to as “petrified trees” (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1974, Arhem 2003), showing that the tree as axis mundi is here a free variant of the mountain.

[15] Whereas Yurupary is generally associated with the moon (Wright 1998, S. Hugh-Jones 1979).

[16] Linked, of course, to the roaring of the “jaguar-bone flute.”

Axioms and Theorems of a Fictional Melanesian Ontology

Mountain Ok/Telefolmin Shield

Mountain Ok/Telefolmin Shield

Axioms and Theorems of A Fictional Melanesian Ontology

Disclaimer: The following makes no attempt to be a definitive statement about the ontologies of Melanesian societies. It is but a philo-fiction produced from the collision of Western philosophical idioms with concepts and ideas drawn from the available ethnographic literature on Melanesia.

Axioms

1.     There are no distinctions between flows and objects.

2.     Everything is a container and contents and contains itself.

3.     Since everything is a container, everything has holes. These holes are the entrance and exit points of flows/objects.

4.     Everything is implicitly analogous to everything else (cf. Wagner 1977). This may be through inversion, scaling, subdivision and segmentation, or homeomorphism (continuous transformation).

5.     Relations are given and multiple, discrete terms or units are produced (ibid.).

6.     While relations “partialize” persons into an open multiplicity of object-flows, unit-definitions rely on dyadic distinctions (self/other, male/female). (Cf. Strathern 1988).

7.     The whole replicates the structure of the part. General part-whole equivalence and substitutability. (cf. Wagner 1986).

8.     Everything has growth-potential, but only if there can be differentiation.

9.     Everything is implicitly androgynous (cf. Gell 1999).

 Theorems

1.     According to axioms (2), (5), (8), Melanesian ontology forms a fractal topology of self-containment in which everything is implicitly identical.

2.     According to axioms (1), (3), (4), (7), persons are composites of flows and objects.

3.     According to theorems (1) and (2), the structure of persons must be identical to the structure of the universe, even as social life consists of deliberate acts of differentiation.

4.     By axiom (8) and theorem (3), social life consists in growing, but it is threatened by its own implicit presuppositions of fractal non-differentiation.

5.     By axiom (9) and theorem (1), gender relations are formally symmetrical. Although they may be empirically asymmetrical.

6.     By axiom (6) and theorem (1), dualistic distinctions degenerate back into identities, by the very fact of producing (analogical) relations.

Looking Ahead

Structures of Transformation (From D’Arcy Thompson)

Structures of Transformation (From D’Arcy Thompson)

I have been recently trying to explore to what degree Levi-Strauss’s method of structural anthropology, more specifically his structural study of myths, can be incorporated into a Laruellian or Non-Philosophical framework. I think the set of formal analogies or isomorphisms one can come up with respect to the two theories is convincing, but at this point, I need to determine to what degree these comparisons add up to some kind of substantial theoretical discovery, rather than just a mere comparative enterprise or even the kind of disciplinary eclecticism that Non-Philosophy can appear to be.

First, the correspondences: according to Laruelle, Philosophy involves the attempt to move from the two the one, and misunderstands the immanence of the One as a form of synthesis. Philosophy is only the recombination of the original analytic divisions it makes in thought and thus internal to the activity of thinking, “missing” the autonomy of the One’s independent reality. It continually repeats this gesture so long as it cannot develop a thinking that is in line with the independence of the Real from thought or its essential “impossibility” with regards to the ruses of synthetic recombination.

Levi-Strauss also affirms that the structure of myth is one of mediation and that it attempts to move from the two to the one. It is clear too, from his analysis of the Oedipus myth, that this is not only about moving from two terms to one term which unifies the two, but also about moving from “the one” and “the two” each as the two terms to be unified. This corresponds to Laruelle’s assertion that philosophy aims to “mix” Being and Other. Also, Levi-Strauss had one foot in science and the other in mythology as the discourse on signification, as is evidenced by his claim that the science of myth would be a sort of “myth of myth.” Levi-Strauss gestures to something like a “unified theory” in the Laruellian sense.

The comparison only really links the terms if it is justifiable at the level of content, i.e if mythology and philosophy can actually be assimilated. This is what I attempted to do in my Masters thesis, in which I attempted to begin to develop a transcendental logic of mythology, building off of Husserl’s genetic phenomenology. I needed to develop a transcendental logic of mythology because Laruelle’s claims about mediation apply to the transcendental mediation that philosophy effects between Thought and Being and is not simply a repudiation of all discursive mediation in general.

This project can be taken up through analyzing how “mythic thought” in Levi-Strauss’s terms encodes propositions, and I took as my starting point the attempt to make Levi-Strauss’ claim that it does so explicit. I rejected a directly Kantian approach for the same reason Husserl does, for it does not show the conditions of possibility of logic but assumes the legitimacy of Aristotle’s term logic at the beginning. This is the same problem with many contemporary transcendental accounts that simply accept the current results of science: the latter can be used as “clues,” but the specific form of evidence that applies to logical formations needs to itself be clarified and built up only from the structures of immanent manifestation.

However, this thesis was clearly an experiment more than a goal, for I am not ultimately interested in simply a transcendental logic but a thinking rooted in a Real irreducible to logic, which is how Laruelle proceeds: this is the only way to achieve an anthropological and mytho-poetic thinking that would be both “materialist” and rooted in something like science.  

 But my thesis led me to the next problem: psychologism. Levi-Strauss aims to do two things that are antinomical philosophically: first, show mythic thought to be encodable in the form of propositions and to enact logical operations; second, to show that its patterning is in line with that of natural forms and objects. The second thesis contravenes the first since natural events and objects do not possess the specific “normativity” of logical values, i.e they reduce to the de jure relations of logical inference to de facto accounts of what occurs. In addition, the conceptuality of “naturalism” has come under attack in anthropology itself, and there is a desire to liberate a whole field of “conceptual worlds” irreducible to the very concept of “nature.”

My framework would then be productive in conceiving the latter as relatively autonomous transcendentals, preserving their irreducibility to western categories, and mythology would be a direct entrance point to these transcendental worlds, and we would have a method at least somewhat developed to study mythologies in just this way (Levi-Strauss’s). I have an inkling that Laruelle has already implicitly solved the problem of psychologism, but this needs to be made explicit, without falling into the philosophical traps of much of the epistemology that Laruelle has warned against.

The splotches on the feline’s coat

As much names

As Names of the Father

A thought which admits no reduction

A history by weaving


Blocks of time, absences as eros

Traces as features, logics

Still animal, feathered

biped

On our way to divinization

It is the soil which bears this fruit

An underground constellation

A decaying crystal, a micro-scope

It was the Jesuits who first came, who

Wanted to look and force our confession

Their deceitful appearance did not defame, 

And were born from them

A horror unnamed


It is the beautiful who remain

The beautiful who are our gods

The beautiful who do not lie

For ever and ever


     The Logos of the World and Its Anthropological and Non-Philosophical Critique

totemic operator.jpg

The Logos of the World and Its Anthropological and Non-Philosophical Critique

A hypothesis: the existing state of affairs, as one of capitalist globalization, poses the eminently logical question of the universal and particular, of classification and relation. Capitalism, perhaps like all social formations, and perhaps like all ideologies, gives itself as universal – its figures of humanness (“homo economicus”) and its paradigms of rationality, present themselves erroneously as timeless, and its norms appear as “common sense.” The critique of capitalism traditionally (and of other logics like patriarchy, heteronormativity, etc.) expose this universality as a particularity, while the sublation of such a critique is the dialectical affirmation of the universality of such a contradiction itself. The question of the capital-form and the question of the contemporary world-form are thus implicated as a question of the logos, dialectical or not, of particular and universal.

What exactly is the world’s “form”? In part: the abstractions of the commodity-form and money-form. Such abstractions effect a process of deterritorialization, annihilating traditional particularisms, stable identities, and personal images. They replace the qualitative logics and codings of pre-capitalist formations with decodings carried by a minimal and informatic code. At the same time, capitalism, according to its modality of social reproduction, reterritorializes, and today particularism is the prime technique of ideological reterritorialization, in the production of egoic and personal images.

The predominance of the type. The subject of Capital today is not merely a wage-laborer; it is a dehumanized ensemble of information-capital at every moment, beyond the limits of the work day, employed or unemployed. The ensemble of information-capital is what allows statistical algorithms to construct the average consumer-producer. We must all be identities, person-types, indexable as certain kinds of consumers and creators of categorizable information capital. The world-form as a logic of particular and universal is as much one of classification and identity (it is taxonomical). In all of this the phenomenal role of exposure and hyper-visibility in the constant availability of indexable personhood, the ideology of pure transparency, the “culmination” of the metaphysics of presence.

Globalization is capitalism in its most quasi-universalistic dimension, especially post-1989, where nothing explicitly poses as a veritable counter-force while Capital extends extensively and intensively (universal because everywhere, we still know it is but one social formation, quasi-universal). The homology between Capital and World as auto-positional form is in analogy with the homology between Logos and Society (realizing in another way the isomorphism between social classification and logical taxonomy, cf. Durkheim and Mauss On Primitive Classification). Abstractive deterritorialization and reterritorialization on one side, the logic of particular, universal, and type on the other: in truth, they form a complex. Yet the logos here is characteristically twisted for “the World” is the name of the auto-positional complex, and logos is already both its logic and its term: only a deeper form of what Non-Philosophy calls mixture and to be treated according to a scientific symptomatology.

Our theoretical solution is not an anti-logic but a “non-logic”: a unilateralization by generic humanity, by a Real foreclosed to Logic, although logic must be identical with it in the last instance. What can we do with “globalization” if not to push it forward towards a globality that would determined by this kind of humanity, a generic uni-versality prior to predication? Against the quasi-universalization of globalizing Capital, a materialistic uni-versality of generic humanness: globality-without-globalization. Finally, a genuine thinking from the human according to a scientific and empirical anthropology, this time freed from Western humanism, and also from the equally European obsession with the logos of identity.

It is to the credit of ontological anthropology to have paved the way to a truly matrixial and variational approach to human ontologies in their broadest dimension, and to a symmetrization that places “Greco-Judaic thought” as nothing but a human variant  Such a relational matrix, however, poses the eminently logical problem, this time, of the status of relation: we are dealing with both the logic of class and the logic of relation (cf. Levi-Strauss The Elementary Structures of Kinship) even as we would free ourselves from the aporias of relativism: we now see “relativism” as itself a Western schema, we now see the relativity of “Culture” itself.

However, ontological anthropology fails when the matrix of relation is confused with an ontology of relation. The Relation is the Philosophical fantasy of synthesis and world-form, the logic of logic as logos, evidenced in the over-inflation of the concept of “relationality”": is this not the ideology and utopian ideal of connectivity? The usage of (world-)logic according to an immanent style of thinking starts, in contrast, from the non-logical and non-relational core of the human-in-human as a materialist theoretical praxis. Underdetermining according to an axiom of separation from the world-form, the matrix of relation is reduced to a tool of modelization.

Let us subvert the logos of the universal and particular and replace it with the complicity of the singular and the uni-versal (dialectical singularity is here a useful model): this is the paradigm of the generic. Indifferent to philosophical decision and to the arbitrariness of the World, we see the synthetic conjunction of the particular and the universal, as well as the (cor-)relations of relationality, as relative-absolute. Relative first and foremost as part of a relational matrix, a system of variants, and absolute as Philosophy and philosophical synthesis, we employ the latter as a modelization of the capacities of a human-in-human prior to predication. Separated and opposed to the capitalization of both identity and relation, but not without making use of its logics (are these not the transcendental masks of the human?), the non-philosophical subject emerges as a thinking in accordance with humanity.

 

 

 

Neuronal sub-ensemble, to chase fragmentation
In hyphenated nouns, and indo-european grammar
Like a last migration, to a last side of the head
Not cracking

And a whole set of sorely male warriors
Chasing after a whole set of tenderously vacuous priests
A singing without end
A glory too little

Chasing fragmentation
And a dispersal that would lead to joy
Of an earth and terra firma
Or rather terra nullius
On which to rest
and hyperspace

 

Air is absence

The crevices of Being

For the Nuer it is kwoth

For me a name I don't recall

 

There are little pockets of time

Microunits

Convex while the heart is concave

 

Transfer and translation

Metaphor and subtention

Building blocks of thought

Without space

 

I awake to the timeless inanimate

Another metaphor

Another "little death"

Note on A Philosophical Over-Determination of Non-Philosophy

Note on A Philosophical Over-Determination of Non-Philosophy

Much discussion of the reception of non-philosophy involves the role of ‘abstraction’ in its axiomatic framework. At the same time, non-philosophy speaks incessantly of the immanence of the lived (more precisely, the lived-without-life). These two ‘sides’ of non-philosophy have seemed irreconcilable and have raised a new antinomy. This antinomy can be resolved via a re-initiation of non-philosophy itself, taking the antinomy to indicate a philosophical resistance and normalization. The antinomy is a form of philosophical decision that works in either direction and is based on a traditional concrete/abstract dyad.  The romanticist privileges and re-doubles the concrete as mediation, the theoreticist the abstract. From the standpoint of a hallucinatory appearance of non-philosophy, both trajectories appear as "deviations" from an ideal "correct stance" or orthodoxy.

In the case of the romanticist trajectory, the primacy of the lived submits the axiomatic as means for auto-position, whereby the axiomatic will ultimately merely “reflect” the lived, carrying it forth, “expressing” as what is most genuine and precious, and so as a "truth of the Real". In this way, the lived will in fact be double transcendence or mediation, governing the relation between it and 'the axioms,' that is, as authentic, romantic, genuineness of the mere use of axioms to represent and defend authentic life. What is lost here is the lived-without-life in so far as the lived will degenerate into Life when it aims to circumscribe the axioms as modes of re-flection of authenticity.

For the theoreticist trajectory, abstraction here is taken as a sufficient way of determining the Real, if it can be “intensified” far enough. This ultimately becomes dialectical and it is held that the Real is grasped once abstraction is sufficient to account for itself, a direct form of philosophical sufficiency. This is what occurs in Ray Brassier's work and it misses the abstract-without-abstraction

This antinomy clearly arises from a philosophical decision and overdetermination in philosophy, which we can think of as the concrete-abstract dyad. In the romanticist case, the concrete is the doubled term, occurring twice. In the theoreticist, the abstract. In both cases, this dyad is mediatized by transcendental mediation, either as reflection/authentic expression (and so a "truth of the real"), or dialectical self-thinking ("closing the circle"). Its resolution is in the given-without-givenness, taking this is an axiom, but an axiom-without-axiomatization. The ‘romantic’ and the ‘abstract’/’scientific’ can be thought as in-identity since, depending on the occasion, the Real can be modeled both by phenomenological, religious, and spiritual materials, as well as by philosophies-of-science or epistemo-logies. The Real is in fact indifferent to the oppositions between 'the spiritual' and 'the abstract' as they appear in doxa. 

Some Aphorisms on a Thought In-Art

Some Aphorisms on A Thought In-Art

  1. There can be no phenomenology of the lived, unless of course it would be a lived phenomenology. Phenomenology is the closest philosophy has come to a certain fusion with the lived. If art is to become life, so is philosophy. But it cannot have Life. There is no Life. We are dead inside.
  2. The passive synthesis of the sense-field (something like time) is the closest we can get to immanence, in "consciousness" that is. Its realization is art and music. In musical hypnosis, in incessant repetition, temporal melding, desire binds itself to the real, maybe also to consciousness. Thought is moved by art.  
  3. A thought that is in-art is a moving thought. It moves with sense. Sense-uality. 
  4. There is nothing left of Life. It has become demanded of us. The disciplined ascetic has shown himself as the true revolutionary of history.
  5. Art is a mystical state. Or it is meaningless. 
  6. The immanence of the lived, of the phenomenon, is not a plenum. It is a chasm. And this chasm is always the chasm of the Crisis. The chasm of the Crisis moves thought.
  7. Thought is thought when it is unthought.
  8. It, I, you move. But we are not seen...